Alabama-which he sums up as aiming at making teachers and industrial leaders who will push forward similar training throughout the Black Belt. The negro conferences for which Tuskegee has become noted are also sketched, with motives and modus operandi.

Chapter VI gives the author's views on the franchise. He defines his position as being subservient to the interests of his race and the whole South, and his policy as one of non-activity in party politics. He attributes the present state of affairs to the "unfortunate " beginning during the Reconstruction era and to mutual misunderstandings between the two races in the South. We find here in an open letter to the State Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, what is perhaps the fullest public expression of Mr. Washington's opinion on political subjects,—a manly, sensible, strong appeal for protection of the ballot, for equal voting tests for both races, for the upholding of law. The permanent cure, he affirms, will come most of all through "industrial development of the negro " which will make him a producer, a property holder, a tax payer, and therefore a careful voter, and he prophesies a division of the negro vote on economic issues.

Chapter VII passes by all theories as to emigration and colonization as impracticable. The desirable relations between the races are dwelt upon, and the negro's weak as well as strong points are summarized and analyzed to a certain extent. It is interesting to note that, despite the frequent assertions of a wrong beginning in negro education that led the race away from a proper consideration of the "dignity of labor," we meet at this point the equally emphatic assertion that the negro "is not ashamed or afraid to work." The lynching evil is forcibly treated at the close, showing, as all right thinking persons must admit, that naught but moral deterioration for all races concerned can follow such utter disregard of law. The eighth and last chapter consists of a general summary of the preceding views and of a series of suggestions as to a future policy. Mr. Washington enumerates six dangers: in impatient extremists among the negroes of the North incapable of understanding the southern situation; in the white South's allowing itself without protest to be represented by the mob; in discouragement to the race under present conditions; in exaggerated reports of race troubles; in ignorance and idleness; and in unjust legislation against the race. His remedy is closer identification of the negro with the South and its interests, southern white interest in negro schools to be actively shown by white teachers, and industrial training for the race, concerning which he says "I believe that slavery laid the foundation for the solution of the problem that is now before us in the South." Mr. Washington grants that professional men will be needed, but we gather as his opinion that there will not

be a very decided raison d'être for them until there is a colored constituency to support them, and also that, after all, leaders must be those largely able to "infuse themselves into agriculture, mechanics, domestic employment and business.”

There are three points, in fact, that might be taken to sum up the book as a whole, and upon which the author places from beginning to end continuous, strenuous insistence. First, that the education first given the negro, based on methods used in New England, was a serious mistake and the possible cause of the lack of progress along economic lines. This is only a half truth. When we consider the universally acknowledged, phenomenal progress of the race since the war we question whether the race would have stood where it does to-day in general prosperity, in intelligence and in the respect of the world had industrial training been at all practicable at that date. The second point is the generally admitted necessity of amicable relations between the races, especially in the South. Third, industrial education is the solution of the problem. The unbounded efficacy of this remedy will be doubted by some.

But, taking the book as a whole, it is an earnest, thoughtful, wellwrought plea for industrial training, just such a book as would be expected from Mr. Washington whose heart and soul are bound up in his worthy and magnificent work in the South. It is epigrammatic, anecdotal, persuasive, and abounds in sensible suggestions, not the least of which is that more attention be given to the race history, to collecting relics that mark race progress and to perpetuate in durable form race achievements. Viewed from any standpoint this work of 244 pages makes a contribution of permanent value to the race discussions. There is one defect, however, which must be noted, aside from that of the attempt to marshal all facts concerning a people as logical material to prove any one thing. Considering the title the book bears it is defective in that higher education is not allowed to play any part in this discussion relative to the future of the American negro, except perhaps to "point a moral or adorn a tale," or to illustrate humorously its mistaken uses. The reasoning connected with mental development all trends along the line that such development is worthless except as it can be traded for a material something (p. 76). I cannot believe that either the white or "colored" race is ready as yet to commit itself solely and irrevocably, along educational lines, to the discipleship of materialistic utilitarianism.

Wilberforce University.

W. S. SCARBOROUGH.

NOTES ON MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

AMERICAN CITIES.1

New York City.-Confession of Judgment Act. One of the most important pieces of legislation affecting the financial system of Greater New York has been the outcome of a controversy between the comptroller and the corporation counsel. Inasmuch as the issue raised is one which we find in all the larger cities of the United States, its solution cannot help but be of general interest. One of the great abuses to which the office of corporation counsel or city solicitor has been put has been to confess judgment in cases of claims against the city, thus taking from the financial officers, and even from the local legislative assembly, the control over expenditures which the theory of our government contemplates. In Philadelphia, for instance, the amount thus drawn from the city treasury without previous appropriation often exceeds a million dollars. For the year 1899 it was $1,459,556.27.

The desire on the part of the comptroller of New York city to maintain a strict supervision of the finances of the municipality led him to request of the corporation counsel that before judgment be confessed in any claim against the city, there should be a consultation between the two departments. In this communication the comptroller points out that during the last two years not one judgment in ten that has been paid out of the city treasury has represented anything but the sole, uncontrolled and unchecked action of the corporation counsel, who is an appointive and not an elected officer. "Where judgment is entered "by consent or by default, or upon offer of judgment, the judicial decree represents nothing but the acquiescence of the defendant." In reply to this communication, the corporation counsel denied the right of the comptroller to interfere in these matters and refused to follow the suggestion offered. As a result the comptroller secured the introduction of two measures in the legislature, which have just been passed. The first provides that the corporation counsel 1 Municipal Bibliographies.—The Social Division of the New York State Library has issued a series of reference lists-two of which relate to municipal government- which will prove of very great value to investigators in this field. Reference List No. 6 covers the subject of Central Control of Police; Reference List No. 7 the question of Municipal Home Rule. Both are worked out with great care, the selection being made from those works and reports which are of permanent value. With a series of reference lists of this character it will be possible to cover the whole field of municipal government and place in the hands of everyone a guide for the study of concrete problems.

"shall not institute any proceedings for acquiring title to real estate by condemnation proceedings, except for opening streets, unless the same shall have been approved by the concurrent vote of all the members of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, upon a statement to be furnished said board of the valuation of such real estate as assessed for purposes of taxation; further, that the Board of Estimate and Apportionment shall have power by a majority vote to direct such changes to be made in the forms of contracts and specifications as may seem to promote the interests of the city. "Furthermore," that the corporation counsel "shall not be empowered to compromise, settle or adjust any rights, claims, demands or causes of action in favor of or against the city of New York, or to permit, offer or confess judgment against the city, or to accept any offer of judgment in favor of the city, without the previous written approval of the comptroller; and in case of any claim for a money judgment exceeding ten thousand dollars, or for relief other than in the nature of a money judgment, the previous written approval of the mayor shall be also necessary.'

The second act provides that "all contracts involving an obligation payable from the city treasury for work to be done or supplies to be furnished, not made at public letting in the manner provided in section 419 of this act, shall be evidenced by orders or requisitions in writing upon forms to be approved by the comptroller, signed by the proper head of department, board, officer or commission. Such orders shall either state the specific amount agreed upon for the said work or supplies, or shall state that payment therefor shall be at the current market rates, but in either event it shall be lawful for and the duty of the department of finance in auditing and paying claims against the city treasury arising thereunder, to deduct therefrom any charge in excess of such current market rates; provided, however, that such action by the department of finance shall not be conclusive to the extent of preventing creditors of the city of New York from disputing the justice of such determination by a proper action at law. No claim shall be enforceable at law against the city of New York for work done or supplies furnished, not arising out of a contract made al public letting, and excepting purchases for contingencies of less than ten dollars unless the same shall have been duly ordered by the proper head of department, board, officer or commission in the manner herein provided. The comptroller may require any person presenting for settlement an account or claim for any cause whatever against the corporation, to be sworn before him touching such account or claim, and when so sworn, to answer orally as to any facts relative to the justness of such account or claim."

Revision of the City Charter. The charter revision commission appointed by the governor, under the law passed by the legislature, is composed of fifteen citizens of the city appointed to represent the five separate boroughs. The chairman of the commission is Mr. George L. Rives, one of the rapid transit commissioners. The commission began its work immediately after its appointment. A public hearing has been held in each borough, at which the views of a number of persons and organizations upon important points involved in the revision have been presented to the commission. Although the commission has not made any formal declaration of the principle upon which it will work, it is very improbable that it will undertake to make any radical changes in the scheme of the present so-called charter. That instrument is in form not a charter, in any proper sense; it is rather a body of ordinances. With a charter of this character, the legislature is called upon to act in large measure as the local law-making body of the city. Indeed, the chairman of the senate committee on affairs of cities complained last winter that his committee was in effect a board of aldermen for the city of New York.

The organization of citizens more particularly interested in the revision of the charter is the City Club. While that body has not yet formulated all the suggestions which it will make before the commission, it may be said that there is a widespread feeling that it is hardly worth while to expend a great amount of vitality upon the patching of the present hopelessly defective instrument. It is proposed that a special committee of the City Club, composed of members of the club having special knowledge of the subject, shall formulate suggestions as to the amendment of that part of the charter relating to the department of education. This subject needs very careful attention, and is, to a great extent, separable from the rest of the charter. The club has under consideration other important subjects, such as proportional representation, and the administration of the tax department. It has urged upon the commission (1) that the mayor's power of removal, now limited to the first six months of his term, should be extended throughout his term; (2) that the Municipal Assembly, now composed of two houses, should consist of a single house, probably elected by a system of proportional representation, and that in any case at least some of the members should be elected otherwise than by the present method of returning one member from each separate district; (3) that the charter should provide for municipal ownership and control of water supply and water front; (4) that the police department should be under a single commissioner in place of the so-called bi1 Communication of James W. Pryor, Esq., Secretary of City Club, New York City.