and injustice; we shall ultimately enlist the farmer as a law-preserver, instead of a law-breaker; and, in the end, we may hope to have fine autumnal shooting throughout the land, instead of seeing all the species of game utterly exterminated.

I have two more observations to make under this head, with which I shall close this somewhat, I fear, over long paper.

The first is addressed to those gentlemen, who procured the passage, and were engaged in the framing of the law as it now stands. Their object was, doubtless, to extend the utmost possible preservation to the quail, fearing his extinction, during the deep snows of winter, by trapping and the gun.

Now the fact is, that the quail is in far less danger of extinction than the woodcock.

Farmers, seeing the quail bred and wintered on their land, accustomed to see them daily feeding on their stubbles, and during severe storms taking shelter in their barn-yards, regard them in some sort as poultry; do to a certain degree protect them; and frequently forbid the pursuit of them, while they offer no objection to the hunting of the migratory and swamp-haunting woodcock.

The woodcock, moreover, is much more easily killed, particularly during the absurd and barbarous summer shooting; and, lastly, it is a matter of fact that, while for fifty miles round all our large cities, and even our considerable villages, the woodcock has become almost extinct within the last ten years, the quantity of quail has very slightly declined, if at all, during the same period.

Deep snows and severe weather may thin them for a time, but one or two prosperous seasons bring them about again, and the stock is as numerous as

My second appeal is to the farmer; to whom I desire to point out, that it is vastly for his interest to enforce the game laws, even if he care nothing about shooting himself.

The fondness for field-sports has increased much of late, and the quantity of game diminished so greatly, that if in any section of the country, where game of any kind abounds, two or three owners of adjoining farms would combine to preserve their game strictly, allowing no person to shoot it at any season, and rigorously prosecuting for every trespass, and every breach of the gamelaws, they could readily let the exclusive privilege of shooting, over every thousand acres so preserved, for two or three hundred dollars a season, or perhaps even a larger sum.

Advertisements in the "Spirit of the Times," or other papers of large circulation, offering the right of sporting upon such tracts of land so preserved, would be readily taken up by companies of two or three gentlemen, supposing that due reliance could be placed on the strict protection of the game, against all interlopers.

There is no doubt, therefore, but, in good game countries, every farmer owning two hundred acres of land can, by combining with his neighbors to enforce the game laws, realize his fifty dollars, and from that to a hundred a year, without the expense of a dollar, or half an hour's trouble.

I know, myself, at least fifty gentlemen, who would gladly combine in parties, of three, four, and upwards, to hire the privilege of exclusive shooting on good tracts of sporting ground. I would, myself, willingly enter into such combinations; and, should any farmers think this suggestion worthy of notice, would gladly assist them in negotiating such arrangements.

I have no hesitation in saying, that for certain tracts of land, such as portions of the drowned lands in Orange County, New-York: the Big Piece on the Passaic river; the Long Meadow, and Little Piece in the same vicinity; the Chatham meadows in New-Jersey; the quail grounds near Sparta, in the same state; and the like, if resolutely preserved by the joint owners, many thousand dollars annually could be realized, merely for the exclusive right of shooting over them.

The Cedars, February, 1846.

"WOULD that Carlyle could now try his hand at the English Revolution!" was my exclamation, on laying down the last volume of his remarkable "History of the French Revolution," with its brilliant and startling word-pictures still flashing before my vision. To some extent this wish has been realized in the 66 Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell." Yet I confess that the perusal of these volumes has disappointed me. Instead of giving himself free scope, as in the French Revolution, and transferring to his canvass all the wild and ludicrous, the terrible and beautiful phases of that moral phenomenon; he has concentrated all his artistic skill upon a single figure,-whom he seems to have regarded as the embodiment and hero of the great event. All else in his canvass is subordinated to the grim image of the collossal Puritan. Intent upon presenting him as the fitting object of that " Hero-Worship,” which in its blind admiration and adoration of mere abstract Power, seems to us at times a species of Devil-Worship; he dwarfs, casts into the shadow, nay, in some instances, caricatures and distorts the figures which surround him. To excuse Cromwell in his usurpation, Henry Vane, one of these exalted and noble characters, upon whose features the lights held by historical friends or foes detect no blemish, is dismissed with a sneer, and an utterly unfounded imputation of dishonesty. To reconcile, in some degree, the glaring discrepancy between the declarations of Cromwell, in behalf of freedom of conscience, and that mean and cruel persecution of the Quakers, carried on under his sanction and authority, the generally harmless fanaticism of a few individuals, bearing that name, is gravely urged. Nay, the fact, that some weak-brained enthusi

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asts undertook to bring about the Millennium, by associating together, cultivating the earth, and "dibbling beans" for the New-Jerusalem market, is regarded by our author as the "germ of Quakerism;" and furnishes an occasion for sneering at "my poor friend Dryas-dust, lamentably tearing his hair over the intolerance of that old time to Quakerism and such like."

The readers of this (with all its faults) powerfully written Biography, cannot fail to have been impressed with the intensely graphic description (Part I., vol. II., pages 184, 185,) of the entry of the poor fanatic, James Nayler, and his forlorn and droggled companions, into Bristol. Sadly ludicrous is it; affecting us like the actual sight of tragic insanity enacting its involuntary comedy, and making us smile through our tears.

In another portion of the work, a brief account is given of the trial and sentence of Nayler, also in the seriocomic view; and the poor man is dismissed with the simple internation, that after his punishment he "repented, and confessed himself mad." It was no part of the author's business, I am well aware, to waste time and words upon the history of such a man as Nayler; he was of no importance to him, otherwise than as one of the disturbing influences in the government of the Lord Protector. But to my mind the story of James Nayler has always been one of interest; and, in the belief that it will prove so to others, who, like Charles Lamb, can appreciate the beautiful humility of a forgiven spirit, I have been at some pains to collect and embody the facts of it.

James Nayler was born in the parish of Ardesley, in Yorkshire, in 1616. His father was a substantial farmer, of good

repute and competent estate; and he, in consequence, received a good education. At the age of twenty-two he married and removed to Wakefield parish, which has since been made classic ground by the pen of Goldsmith. Here, an honest, God-fearing farmer, he tilled his soil, and alternated between cattlemarkets and independent conventicles. In 1641, he obeyed the suminons of "my Lord Fairfax" and his Parliament, and joined a troop of horse composed of sturdy independents, doing such signal service against "the man of Belial, Charles Stuart," that he was promoted to the rank of quarter-master, in which capacity he served under General Lambert, in his Scottish campaign. Disabled at length by sickness, he was honorably dismissed from the service, and returned to his family in 1649.

For three or four years he continued to attend the meetings of the Independents, as a zealous and devout member. But it so fell out, that in the winter of 1651, GEORGE Fox, who had just been released from a cruel imprisonment, in Darby jail, felt a call to set his face towards Yorkshire. "Sotravelling," says Fox, in his journal, "through the countries, to several places, preaching Repentance and the Word of Life, I came into the parts about Wakefield, where James Nayler lived." The worn and weary soldier, covered with the scars of outward battle, received, as he believed, in the cause of God and his people, against Anti-Christ and oppression, welcomed with thankfulness the veteran of another warfare; who, in conflict with "Principalities and Powers, and spiritual wickedness in high places," had made his name a familiar one in any English hamlet. "He and Thomas Goodyear," says Fox, “came to me, and were both convinced and received the truth." He soon after join ed the Society of Friends. In the spring of the next year he was in his field following his plough, and meditating, as he was wont, on the great questions of life and duty, when he seemed to hear a voice bidding him go out from his kindred and his father's house, with an assurance that the Lord would be with him, while laboring in His service. Deeply impressed, he left his employment, and, returning to his house, made immediate preparations for a journey. But hesitation and doubt follow

ed: he became sick from anxiety of mind, and his recovery, for a time, was exceedingly doubtful. On his restoration to bodily health, he obeyed what he regarded as a clear inclination of duty, and went forth a preacher of the doctrines he had embraced. The independent minister of the society to which he had formerly belonged sent after him the story, that he was the victim of sorcery; that George Fox carried with him a bottle, out of which he made people drink; and that the draught had the power to change a Presbyterian or Independent into a Quaker at once: that in short, the Arch-Quaker, Fox, was a wizard, and could be seen at the same moment of time riding on the same black horse, in two places widely separated! He had scarcely commenced his exhortations, before the mob, excited by such stories, assailed him. In the early summer of the year we hear of him in Appleby jail. On his release he fell in company with George Fox. At Walney island he was furiously assaulted, and beaten with clubs and stones: the poor priest-led fishermen being fully persuaded that they were dealing with a wizard. The spirit of the man, under these circumstances, may be seen in the following extract from a letter to his friends, dated at "Killett, in Lancashire, the, 30th of 8th month, 1652."

"Dear friends! Dwell in patience, and wait upon the Lord who will do His own work. Look not at man who is in the work, nor at man opposing it; but rest in the will of the Lord that so ye may be furnished with patience, both to do and to suffer what ye shall be called unto, that your end in all things may be His praise. Meet often together; take heed of what exalteth itself above its brother; but keep low, and serve one another in love."

Laboring thus, interrupted only by persecution, stripes and imprisonment, he finally came to London and spoke with great power and eloquence in the meeting of Friends in that city. Here, he for the first time found himself surrounded by admiring and sympathising friends. He saw, and rejoiced in the fruits of his ministry. Profane and drunken cavaliers, intolerant Presbyters, and blind Papists, owned the truths which he uttered, and counted themselves as his disciples. Women, too. in their deep trustfulness, and admiring

laid hold of by the authorities: turn out to be James Nayler and Company."

Truly, a more pitiful example of "hero worship" is not well to be conceived of. Instead of taking the rational view of it, however, and mercifully shutting up the actors in a madhouse, the authorities of that day conceiving it to be a stupendous blasphemy, and themselves God's avengers in the matter, sent Nayler under strong guard up to London, to be examined before the parliament. After long and tedious examinations and cross-questionings, and still more tedious debates, some portion of which, not uninstructive to the reader,

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may still be found in Burton's Diary." The following horrible resolution was agreed upon:

"That James Nayler be set in the pillory, with his head in the pillory in the Palace Yard, Westminster, during the space of two hours on Thursday next; and be whipped by the hangman through the streets, from Westminster to the Old Exchange, and there, likewise, be set in the pillory, with his head in the pillory for the space of two hours, between eleven and one, on Saturday next, in each place wearing a paper containing a description of his crimes; and that at the Old Exchange his tongue be bored through with a hot iron, and that he be there stigmatized on the forehead with the letter B'; and that he be afterwards sent to Bristol to be conveyed into and through the said city on horseback with his face backward, and there, also, publicly whipped the next market day after he comes thither; that from thence he be committed to prison in Bridewell, London, and there restrained from the society of all people, and there to labor hard until he shall be released by parliament; and during that time be debarred the use of pen, ink and paper; and have no relief except what he earns by his daily labor."

Such, neither more nor less, was, in the opinion of parliament, required on their part to appease the Divine vengeance. The sentence was pronounced on the 17th of the Twelfth Month; the entire time of the parliament for the two months previous having been occupied with the case. The Presbyterians in that body were ready enough to make the most of an offence committed by one who had been an Independent; the Independents, to escape the stigma of extenuating the crimes of one of their quondam brethren, vied with their antagonists in shrieking over the

atrocity of Nayler's blasphemy, and in urging its severe punishment. Here and there among both classes were men disposed to leniency; and more than one earnest plea was made for merciful dealing with a man, whose reason was evidently unsettled; and who was, therefore, a fitting object of compassion; whose crime, if it could indeed be called one, was evidently the result of a clouded intellect, and not of wilful intuition of evil. On the other hand, many were in favor of putting him to death as a sort of peace-offering to the clergy, who, as a matter of course, were greatly scandalized by Nayler's blasphemy, and still more by the refusal of his sect to pay tithes, or recognize their Divine commission.

Nayler was called into the parliament-house to receive his sentence. "I do not know mine offence," he said mildly. "You shall know it," said Sir Thomas Widdington, "by your sentence." When the sentence was read, he attempted to speak, but was silenced. "I pray God," said Nayler, "that He may not lay this to your charge."

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The next day, the 18th of the Twelfth Month, he stood in the pillory two hours, in the chill winter air, and was then stripped and scourged by the hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets. Three hundred and ten stripes were inflicted; his back and arms were horribly cut and mangled, and his feet crushed and bruised by the feet of horses treading on him in the crowd. He bore all with uncomplaining patience; but was so far exhausted by his sufferings, that it was found necessary to postpone the execution of the residue of the sentence for one week. The terrible severity of his sentence, and his meek endurance of it. had in the mean time powerfully affected many of the humane and generous of all classes in the city; and a petition for the remission of the remaining part of the penalty was numerously signed and presented to parliament. A debate ensued upon it, but its prayer was rejected. Application was then made to Cromwell, who addressed a letter to the Speaker of the house, inquiring into the affair, protesting an "abhorrence and detestation of giving or occasioning the least countenance to such opinions and practices" as were imputed to Nayler, "yet, we being entrusted in the