parties are no more to be trusted than strong ones; and another, that men grant a great deal, but not everything, until the ballot is placed in the hands of those who make the demand upon them. They learned also how political caucuses and conventions are managed. The resolution passed by the Prohibitionists enabled them to do this. So the great "open sesame" is reached. Women have been to petty caucuses, and have remained uncontaminated, and for their escort there and back they must thank the Prohibitory party of 1876. It is but fair to state, that since 1876 the Prohibitory party has treated the Woman Suffrage question with consideration. In its annual convention it has passed resolutions endorsing woman's claims to political equality, and has set the example to other parties, of admitting women delegates to seats in convention. These delegates, however, have been members of the Prohibitory rather than of the Suffrage party.

It will be understood that it is not of individual members of the political parties of the State, that the Suffragists have reason to complain; but of

the parties themselves, as organized bodies, in their dealings with this question. In spite of the restrictions of party lines, and the action of their conventions, many members of all the political parties have rendered the cause great service in private, in high official capacity, and as members of the State Legislature.

The result of efforts to mix the question of equal rights for woman with state, or party politics, has been briefly but correctly stated. The attitude of the dominant political parties is to-day one of perfect indifference. The weaker ones hold out some inducements to the Suffragists, but how much their resolutions or planks in conventions mean, will be seen when they have grown strong enough to be of real assistance to the Judging from past experience, it is plainly evident that if any further meddling with politics is to be attempted, a new political party should be formed, having for its basis woman's right to the ballot, which is the only question to justify the formation of such a party, because it is a question of absolute right. If this cannot be done, the Suffragists must live in the hope

cause.

that when the political organizations, now so busy in attempting to disintegrate each other have completed the work, out of their best elements will be created a party, whose motto a pure ballot" will mean what it says, will mean even more than it says, will mean a just ballot for all American citizens.

CHAPTER V.

LEGAL AND LEGISLATIVE HISTORY.

1691-1881.

"Is it only among men that freedom and virtue are to be united? Why should the slavery that destroys you, be considered the only method to preserve us? It has been the great error of men, and one that has worked bitterly on their destinies, that they have made laws unfavorable to the intellectual development of women. Have they not in so doing made laws against their children, whom women are to rear, against the husbands of whom women are to be the friends, nay-sometimes the advisers?"

IN

BULWER-LYTTON.

the early history of Massachusetts, when the new colony was governed by laws set down in the Province Charter, (1691, third year of William and Mary) women were not excluded from voting. The clause in the Charter relating to this matter says: "The Great and General Court shall consist of the Governor and Council (or assistants for the time being) and of such

freeholders, as shall be from time to time elected or deputed by the major part of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the respective towns or places, who shall be present at such elections.” In the original Constitution (1780) women were excluded from voting except for certain State officers.*

In the Constitutional Convention of 1820, the word "male" was first put into the Constitution of the State, in an amendment to define the qualifications of voters. In this Convention, a motion was made at three different times, during the passage of the act, to strike out the "intruding" word, but the motion was voted down.

There is no evidence that the women ever made use of their voting right, either under the Charter, or under the Constitution; nor is there any proof that they made objection, either singly or in a body, to being thus excluded from the right of franchise. General consent, even of the women themselves, was undoubtedly the origin of the exclusion of women from voting. This was

*For summary of voting laws relating to women from 1691 to 1822, see Appendix I.