CHAPTER II.

BRYAN'S POWER OVER MEN.

When William J. Bryan was nominated to be President of the United States by the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, his political opponents and newspapers whose editors were not in sympathy with the principles he has so gallantly represented confidently declared that his nomination was due entirely to his admirable speech upon that occasion. Many people who are not familiar with Mr. Bryan's remarkable record readily accepted this idea as a fact. It is true, however, that Mr. Bryan had already established a national reputation among the champions of bimetallism as an able advocate of the restoration of the coinage of the Constitution. When the Chicago Convention assembled, there were hundreds of delegates present who had closely watched Mr. Bryan's career, who had either read or heard delivered many of his splendid speeches upon the money question and who had learned that this young man had fought the battles of free coinage when his followers were few and weak and his opponents numerous and strong. They knew that his private character, no less than his public record, was entirely creditable. They knew

that he was a man conscientiously committed to the principles he had espoused. It is perhaps true that his splendid speech before that Convention turned the tide immediately in his favor, but it is no less true that the tide had already set in that direction among the people who were represented by the delegates to that Convention. The unprecedented public demonstrations which have been accorded Mr. Bryan since his nomination show that upon the hearthstones of the people the fires of enthusiasm in his behalf had been kindled by the grateful men and women who had carefully observed his career.

It is true that William J. Bryan is a great orator, perhaps one of the greatest this country has ever produced, but had he been only an orator, he would not occupy his present distinguised position. Behind the orator is the man, firm in his adherence to principle, devoted in his observation of the rules which guide the good citizen in private life. The mighty demonstration at Chicago which was produced by Mr. Bryan's speech was a strange sight to the world. But the people of Nebraska during the last eight years have often seen the same public demonstration, on a smaller scale it is true, but no less intense in character.

In 1888, on the occasion of Mr. Bryan's first public appearance in Nebraska, he drew men to him by the power of the orator, and held them

there in subsequent years by the virtues of the man. Since that time he has undergone, as a public speaker, a steady course of improvement. It has been the privilege of the writer to hear every important political speech made by Mr. Bryan in Nebraska, and including his Congressional efforts, and to this writer perhaps this improvement has been more noticeable than to any other of Mr. Bryan's auditors. As a newspaper correspondent the writer has witnessed Mr. Bryan's joint debates and observed his complete triumphs over his opponents and his complete capture of the hearts of his auditors.

Bryan's power over men was well demonstrated in Nebraska, before the Chicago Convention was called to order.

In 1890, when he accepted the nomination to Congress in the First Nebraska District, he led what seemed to be a forlorn hope against what appeared to be an invincible foe. But Bryan triumphed. He beat down an overwhelming opposition majority, because of his power over men.

Two years later, when his district had been rearranged, with a special view to his certain defeat, and when money in unlimited sums was distributed against him, Bryan won because of his power

over men.

In 1894, when he fought at the head of the loyal Silver Democrats of Nebraska in the effort to wrest the temple of Democracy of that State from

undemocratic hands, Bryan won because of his power over him.

In 1896, when he went to Chicago at the head of a delegation whose seat was contested, without right or reason it is true, but contested, nevertheless, when few men had any idea that Bryan would be the nominee of that Convention, Bryan was nominated because of his power over men.

It is undoubtedly true that this power is partially due to Bryan the orator, but the greater part of it is due to Bryan the man. The ability to meet and conquer the ablest of those who deny the correctness of his political principles is certainly a valuable talent. But the fact that the man who is able to draw men to him by the power of oratory is able to retain friendship or admiration by his undeviating traits of character is the greatest power that any man may possess. Bryan does that. He has done that in the city of Lincoln, his home. He has done that throughout the State of Nebraska. He has done that in the halls of Congress, where men are not readily influenced. He has done that among the trained newspaper men of the country, men whose keen eyes readily detect hypocrisy or insincerity. He has done that throughout the States of the Union, wherever he has made himself known, and he will do that in national life if the people triumph in November.

This estimate is placed upon Mr. Bryan's character by one who has met him and associated with

him under various circumstances and conditions. When it is said that he is a gentle, manly man, it is not with the purpose of flattery, but with the desire to state an absolute fact. As a man he would not do his humblest nor his greatest fellowman an injury or an injustice. As a lawyer he would never knowingly plead a dishonest cause. As an editor he would never knowingly advocate a dishonest or an unpatriotic idea. As a member of Congress he would not cast his vote upon any proposition, great or small, against what he regarded the interest of the people whom he was elected to serve. As President of the United States he would be the people's executive, the cleanest, the best and the bravest since the days of Abraham Lincoln.

The most interesting feature of Mr. Bryan's public career is the consistency of his political principles. There is nothing that he represents now that he has not represented in all of his public life. Every platform upon which he has accepted a nomination for office provided that no caucus dictation should be permitted by a representative in Congress to interfere with his conscientious representation of his constituents.

No one wondered, when his party colleagues in the House determined to unseat a Republican, that Mr. Bryan refused to cast his vote in accord with that decision. He said to the House that he had investigated the circumstances and he be