willing to renew the experiment yet. The great desire of all was to have the revolution terminated, because, although the people had behaved with the greatest moderation and prudence thus far, the deputies were apprehensive that, unless the government was immediately established they would become turbulent, anarchy would ensue, and the bloody scenes of '93 be re-enacted. What was to be done?" continued Lafayette. "The only one of the Bonaparte family whom it was practicable to call to the throne, was the young duke of Reichstadt; and he was a minor, an invalid, in the hands of the Austrians, and had been educated by them; and, it was natural to believe, was imbued with the prepossessions, and prejudices, and principles of that court. Besides, the name of Bonaparte was associated with the recollections of a despotism. The throne of a successor must be rendered safe by a return, in a great measure, to the same principles, and thus there were insuperable objections to a restoration of the Napoleon dynasty. We could not safely proclaim a republic; we had no republican army to rely upon, nor could such a government, at this time, secure the confidence of the people, and we knew well that, no sooner should it be established, than we should have all Europe combined against us. The attention of all the actors in the revolution," said Lafayette, "was preoccupied by Louis Philippe, with whom I was little acquainted. I knew that in his youth he had been a republican; he had talents and information; he was a little too fond of money, but had hitherto behaved, as a man, very well, especially in America. The general sentiment indicated Louis Philippe, but it was agreed that, before he should be created king, he should be seen, and his sentiments and principles should be ascertained, and he should be bound to a constitutional monarchy, which would be so framed as to be the first great advance to a republic. I left the people at the Hotel de Ville, and visited Louis Philippe. The first thing he said to me was, 'General Lafayette! what is to be done?' I told him he was well aware that I was a republican, that to me the constitution of the United States seemed the best government that had ever been devised by man. He answered that his sentiments precisely accorded with mine, and no man could be in America, as he had been, two years and not be convinced that the American government was the best that could be framed; but,' said he, 'what shall be done? You know,' con

tinued Louis Philippe, 'the prejudices and alarms concerning a republic entertained by the people. We can not depend upon the army; half the troops are Carlists, and we shall have all Europe down upon us as soon as we proclaim a republic.' I answered," said Lafayette, "that I was aware of all this, and therefore thought, as it was most desirable to give quiet to France, and to consumate the revolution, it was best to establish, at present, a monarchy, but as much a limited monarchy as possible, and to surround it with republican institutions, which would prepare the way by educating the people, for establishing, as soon as might be prudent, a republic. Louis Philippe declared these were the very thoughts he had entertained, and he fully accorded in them. I returned," added Lafayette, "to the Hotel de Ville, and announced to the people that the sentiments of the duke of Orleans accorded with our own, and he was then, as you know, made king. We had him swear to a charter containing two fundamental principles, one the superiority of the people, and the responsibility of the government to them; and the other universal suffrage. And he pledged himself that laws should be passed, to commence immediately the work of general education. I was made lieutenant-general of the kingdom. I did not wish to accept the office, but it seemed necessary to satisfy the people, and attach them to the government; besides, if I should not accept it, it would furnish occasion to say, that I wanted to be king myself. I therefore accepted it, and, for a short time, all went on well. Louis Philippe promised to support Italy and the liberal cause throughout Europe. Excited by our example and success," said Lafayette, "the republican cause commenced in Poland, Belgium, and Italy. It met the resistance we had anticipated, and looked to us for support. Louis Philippe had not courage to sustain the republicans as he had promised: I remonstrated, he insisted, and finally abandoned them to their fate. Then he became very desirous I should resign. Alarms were now entertained or affected, lest the office I held might, in the hands of my successor, be too powerful; but they were unwilling to deprive me of it. I was more desirous to resign it than they that I should. I felt that I could no longer hold it in justice to myself and my principles. Louis Philippe had already begun to lay the foundation of a new Bourbon dynasty which should be perpetual, instead of so wielding the VOL. III.-38

government as to introduce a republic as he had promised me. In this I would have no part. I was a citizen of the United States-a republican. I knew that my name was, associated with the cause of liberty and republicanism, wherever that cause was cherished. I never intended to seek or hold office merely for the sake of office, under any government, but had accepted my post merely to advance the general cause. I could not, therefore, retain it without giving the sanction of my name, whatever might be its worth, to the principles of the new dynasty; and that would have been to violate the great general principles of government which I entertained, and to discourage the friends of republican government throughout Europe. I therefore resigned. Louis Philippe has since said that he made no engagement with me, preparatory to his being created king, concerning the principles of his government. As soon as I learned this from a source sufficiently authentic to rely upon, I sent word to him that I should not any longer go to the Tuilleries, and thus the breach was completed."

After some reminiscences of his tour in the United States, and the renewal of his pressing invitation to visit La Grange, the general permitted us to take leave. I have thus, my dear friend, given you the details of our first and very interesting interview, I am sure that it is substantially correct, as I transcribe it from notes made immediately after my return to our lodgings. Every word sank deep in my memory, for I listened to the venerable man's narrative with an interest hardly less intense than that with which mortal ears listen to the communication of the messenger of Heaven. I have but one reflection to add. Does not this simple relation show that Lafayette has acted, throughout the late revolution in France, in the closest keeping with his former principles? Regarding as his highest character that of being an American citizen, the scholar and associate of Washington, and the representative of republicanism in Europe, he guarded his conduct with reference to the obligations resting upon him in that character, and with a view, not to personal advantage, nor even to the temporary security of the French nation, but to the ultimate triumph of free principles and the establishment of republican governments. None can censure him for his abandonment of Louis Philippe, unless he be prepared to adopt the principle of Louis Philippe's government, that republican

governments can never be established in Europe-a principle at war with Lafayette's principles through his whole life, and which he could not adopt without inconsistency so gross as to forfeit his entire claim to the homage of mankind-a principle which would deprive him of all the respect and affection of the American people.

LETTER XIV.

LAFAYETTE AT LA GRANGE.

LA GRANGE, September 11, 1833.

I KNOW you will be gratified by the date of this letter. How rich is the enjoyment of such a visit as this to the venerable patriarch and his family. The reproach of tourists is that they are vain and coxcombical. I am proud of this achievement, and I will be vain of it as long as I live, and I will inflict not only long letters upon you about La Grange, but I will dwell upon it when I return and ever afterward.

Yesterday morning, "in pursuance of previous arrangement," we left Paris in the coupe of a diligence at eight o'clock. We passed Vincennes, its prisons and its forests, and followed some distance the route of the Seine. About six miles of our journey were completed, when we found it necessary to descend and walk up the long hill, so as to relieve the horses. We were richly repaid for our muddy walk up the hill, by a fine view of the windings of the Seine for six miles, ending with the towers of Nôtre Dame and the Pantheon. The sun deigned to smile upon us, and we found the appearance of the country delightful after our long residence in Paris. We passed through several mean villages, among which were La Queene, which exhibits the remains of a chateau.

A

A solitary tower broken off at the top, but still seventy feet high, is all that remains. The villagers raise fruit and vegetables in what were the court-yard and drawing-room. tattered tri-colored flag waves from the highest turret, and has probably weathered all the storms since the revolution of 1830. Tournau and Fontenay, two market-towns, lay on our road. At two o'clock we arrived at Rosoit, a village of about two thousand

inhabitants, and distant thirty miles from Paris. It is meanly built, like most of the French provincial towns. The annual fête had collected several thousand people in the streets. The auberge was crowded with peasantry devouring the simple meal of brown-bread with abundance of wine. Crowds of men, women, and children, thronged the streets. In this confusion we were met by a servant of General Lafayette's, who waited with a plain, neat coach, to carry us to La Grange. We entered the domain as soon as we left the village, and a ride of something more than half a mile brought us to a grove so rich and dense as to exclude the chateau from view. A winding of the road now discovered to us a venerable castle, built of stone, on the three sides of a square with an open court in the centre. The chateau is three stories in height, and at each angle is flanked by a circular tower. It is surrounded by a moat or canal filled with water and traversed by bridges. An ivy clusters upon its front wall which was planted by Charles James Fox. The coach stopped in the paved court at the entrance of the chateau. We entered a large hall containing the grand staircase in the centre. At the foot of the stairs were two small brass cannon, mounted and facing each entrance. The cannon bore inscriptions, stating that they were captured from the royal troops by the people of Paris, in the revolution of the three days, and presented to General Lafayette. Over them and in front of the ascent of the stairs is a triumphal ornament, composed of flags taken from the royal troops in the same revolution. At the top of the staircase is an ornament not less appropriate and characteristic: it is formed of the graceful foldings of our own standard with its stars and stripes. We were received by Madame Maubourg, the general's oldest daughter, and by two of his grandsons. This lady spoke to us in English, but, being unaccustomed to the language in ordinary conversation, she found it so difficult that she gave me to understand we must use my bad French instead of her difficult English. She is a middle-aged woman, plainly dressed, exceedingly well informed, vivacious, and agreeable. In half an hour the general appeared, well, cheerful, and animated, and we passed an hour in conversation upon French and English politics. The apartment which is the common parlor is still more plainly furnished than the rooms in the general's house in town. The floor is of polished oak. The room contains a bust of Washington at the age of fifty-eight,