tions with local self-government or with part of the governing power of the nation. [Applause.]

If constitutional State governments still exist in the late rebel States, by what authority does the President appoint provisional governors in such States, DIRECT the holding of State conventions to ordain new State constitutions and governments, and PRESCRIBE who shall VOTE and be voted for, and that in the new governments thus to be organized, they MUST recognize the FACT that slavery is abolished? [Applause.]

If constitutional State governments HAVE existed during the war in the late rebel States, AND NOW EXIST, can the President appoint provisional governors and ORDER constitutional conventions to assemble in such States for the establishment of NEW State governments such as he may think proper, without regard to the provisions of their old State constitutions which prescribe the mode and manner of calling conventions to alter or amend their constitutions? If he can, why can he not do the same thing in Ohio or California? [Applause.]

The truth is, that in the late rebel States there are no constitutional State governments which Congress can recognize, while in California and Ohio there are constitutional State governments which Congress does recognize. [Applause.]

I repeat what I said at San Francisco-"that any one who can see in these propositions and the argument which I have made a recognition of the RIGHT of secession is a remarkable logician."

It is illegal to commit MURDER, but if murder Is committed, do I recognize the RIGHT, because I concede the FACT? [Applause.]

If the people of one or more States destroy their consti tutional State governments and establish others unknown tol the national Constitution, and enter into alliances with other States and foreign powers-and make war upon the Nationai Government, do I recognize their RIGHT to do so, because I concede that they have done so in FACT? I deny the right— all loyal men deny the right, but can I or can you deny the FACT?

[From the consideration of the above propositions, Mr. A. passed to the discussion of a question new and interesting to the loyal men of the nation; he urged that great care should be used in guarding against any assumption of rebel debt by the States lately in rebellion, and insisted that something like the following proposition should be incorporated in the several constitutions of the reorganized States:]

"All debts contracted, whether State, city or municipal, by the constituted authorities prior to the Act of Secession, shall be valid against this State under this constitution; but no engagement entered into or debt contracted by the late rebel, confederate or State authorities, or by any city, county or municipality, within this State, in aid of the rebellion or to maintain State or local civil governments hostile to the United States, shall ever be paid by this State, or by any city, county or municipality within this State." [Applause.]

Mr. A. said that many might think this precaution unnecessary, but for his part, next to securing impartial suffrage for the loyal men of the South, white and black, he regarded the adoption of this proposition as most important, to prevent the possibility of political combinations being made for the purpose of forcing the repudiation of our war debt or the assumption of the rebel debt, State and confederate, by the United States. [Applause.]

In my judgment, Congress, with whom this whole question of reconstruction constitutionally rests, should require as a condition to the admission of Senators and Representatives from the reorganized States the adoption in their NEW constitutions of some proposition of this kind, and I am not sure that it ought not to be put in the form of a covenant between each State and the National Government, and made forever irrevocable without the consent of the Congress of the United States.

The nation ought to demand, and I believe will demand, some such security for the future.

Nine-tenths of the rebel debt, State and confederate, is probably held by the people of the late rebel States and in Europe. Undoubtedly the late confederates would prefer to have their debt paid, rather than help pay ours. In my opinion if Congress does not provide against the possibility of

this question being raised, the Southern politicians will make a combination with their late Northern allies, who are now almost to a man committed, either directly or indirectly, to the scheme of repudiation, and insist upon the incorporation of their war debt with ours or the repudiation of our war debt also.

When the proposition is made, as it will be, unless we now positively prohibit it, to assume the confederate debt, and if not, to repudiate our own, the simple discussion of the question will impair our national credit to the amount of millions. I need not argue this point. It is self evident. [Applause.]

Three-fourths of the LEGAL indebtedness of the late rebel States is probably held by Northern capitalists. I mean the bonds issued prior to the rebellion.

Congress ought to see to it, that in the reorganization of the late rebel States, they ASSUME BY POSITIVE CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION the debt of the State prior to the rebellion, and by a provision equally positive, that they forever prohibit the payment of the rebel debt or any part thereof. This is due to the Northern men who are the holders of the bonds issued by these States before the rebellion. It is due likewise to the loyal people of the South, that they be not taxed to pay any part of the rebel debt. It is due also to the nation as the only indemnity for the past which it can now obtain. [Applause.]

If you own a thousand-dollar bond of the State of South Carolina, issued before the rebellion, you may have some hope, after her reorganization, of receiving the interest due on that bond, and perhaps at its maturity, the principal, PROVIDED the State of South Carolina, after her reorganization and recognition by Congress, does not assume her proportion of the rebel confederate debt, and the debt contracted after secession by her as a State, in aid of the rebellion or to maintain her local and rebel State governments.

If she is permitted to assume her proportion of the confederate debt, and the debt contracted by her rebel State authorities, your bond for one thousand dollars would not be worth the paper on which it is written, and so with all the States recently in rebellion.

The assumption of any part of the confederate debt by the late rebel States would not only lessen their ability to pay their legal indebtedness, but lessen also the ability of their people to aid in the payment of the national debt, which cannot be repudiated without national dishonor. [Applause.]

Before I left Washington I heard more than one scheme talked over for the incorporation of part of the confederate debt with ours. This is the stepping-stone to repudiation, and I warn the loyal men of the nation to be prepared for the efforts which will be made to consummate this dangerous scheme.

Many think there is no danger in this direction, but I tell you that there is danger. In AUDACITY anything may be expected of the men who plunged this nation into the recent terrible war. Their late Northern allies are equally DESPERATE, and there would be no security for national fidelity and national honor, if these two factions unite and obtain control of the National Government. [Applause, long continued.]

SPEECH

OF HON. JAMES M. ASHLEY, OF OHIO,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 29, 1866.

IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE THE ONLY SAFE BASIS OF RECONSTRUC

TION.

The House having under consideration the bill to restore to the States lately in insurrection their full political rightsMR. ASHLEY, of Ohio, said:

MR. SPEAKER. Unless the members of this Congress who represent the loyal people of this country approach the proposition before us, providing for the restoration of the late rebel States, in a proper spirit and with mutual concessions, I fear we shall fail to accomplish the great work committed to our hands. I desire to approach its consideration with charity for all and malice toward none. I know that I approach it in a forgiving spirit and with a thankful heart. With thankfulness, because the din of war has been hushed and the national conflagration extinguished. In a forgiving spirit, because I know how much there is to be forgiven if we would reunite dissevered and broken ties, secure the perpetual unity of the nation, and bind up its millions of bleeding and broken hearts.

In all the votes which I have given or may give on the propositions for reconstruction, in all I have said or may say, I shall keep steadily in view the one great desire of my heart, which outweighs and overshadows all others, and before which the petty schemes of parties and of men dwindle into insignificance and appear to me criminal. That desire is to see the States recently in rebellion restored to all the rights, privileges and dignities of States of the American Union at the earliest day consistent with the national safety, and