men gave up. Senator Seward said the other day in Chicago, that Horace Mann, one of the noblest and best of men, once said to him, that he "despaired of the cause of humanity after the passage of the slavery laws of 1850," and I know from a conversation I once had with Mr. Mann on that subject in this city, when he was here lecturing before our Young Men's Association, that that was the principal cause of his retiring from public life, leaving Massachusetts and accepting the Presidency of Antioch college, at Yellow Springs, in this State. I confess that I heard this declaration from so great a man with sorrow, but I never despaired, and trust I never shall despair, of the cause of humanity either in America or Europe. [Cheers.] Instead of despairing, I rejoiced rather when the madness of the slave barons drove them to break down the Missouri compromise, and to attempt to force slavery not only upon Kansas, but, by action of the government, and a decree of the Supreme Court to make it national throughout the Republic, because I believed that nothing would more surely arouse the people to the dangers that threatened them. Had I been your representative in Congress then, I would not only have voted against these measures, but protested against them also, as I did as a citizen at the time of their enactment. I would not do wrong that good might come; but I believe that Providence now often permits bad men to scourge a nation for good and wise purposes, as He permitted Pharaoh of old to harden his heart so that he refused to let the oppressed children of Israel go. I believe that these crimes of the so-called Democratic party were necessary, in order to arouse the American people from their supineness and lethargy. But for those crimes there would have been no Republican party in the United States to-day. Horace Mann, however, was not the only leading man who has despaired of our cause. I could name more than a score. Only last week, one of the best and truest men in this district said to me: "Ashley, we have been working seven years for this cause with so little success that I am becoming disheartened, and if we fail to elect Lincoln I shall quit." I replied that I regretted to hear him say so, and reminded him. of the 4,000 opposition majority we had to overcome in this congressional district, that the National and State governments, with all their patronage, and every county here in the Northwest, were in the hands of our political opponents in 1853, when we first met together to organize a new party with all those who, in the old Democratic and Whig and Free Soil parties, would unite with us on a platform such as the Republican party now stands upon. I reminded him of the certainty of always having in every party, as in every church, faithless and untrue men, and the misfortune of always having indiscreet friends also; and I said to him, as I say to you to-night, that I grow more hopeful with every contest, and that as a party we are far stronger now than my most sanguine hopes led me to believe we should be when, seven years ago, we commenced the battle, for then I thought it would require a struggle of ten or fifteen years before we should be as strong as we are to-day. I have always been guided in my political action by a simple rule, a rule which has taught me to confide in the intelligence of the people and their innate sense of justice. This, with a firm reliance in the living energy of truth, has given me courage when success seemed far off, and I have worked on because it has cheered me when overwhelmed by disaster and defeat. Of what I have done to aid in organizing the Republican party and to cause its success, not only in this district and State, but elsewhere, I will not speak. I leave that for others who will do it more impartially for me when party passions shall have subsided and local rivalries shall have been, as they will be, forgotten. I am and always have been content to do my duty and to forget and forgive the errors and prejudices of the hour. To my fellow-citizens, not only here, but all over the district, I feel grateful for their generous support, and the renewed expression of their confidence as shown by the increased majority they have given me, and I trust that no act or vote of mine will ever cause any man to regret that his vote was bestowed upon me. I told you last year that the battle we were then fighting was "but a skirmish on the outposts." The victories just gained leave but few outposts in the free States in the hands of the enemy. When they are taken, as they will be, the citadel must surrender. [Cheers.] And though we owe much for our past and present success to all classes, especially to our German and adopted citizens, to no organization are we more deeply indebted for our present triumph, than to the Wide-awakes all over the land. Their promptness, their fidelity to our cause, their fine military drill, their presence at all our meetings, has lent good cheer and kindled an enthusiasm in the hearts of old and young, unlike any organization that has preceded it. Wherever I have gone, I have met "around the blazing camp-fires" of the Wideawakes, and found fresh cause for rejoicing and hope in the fact that the young men, with their generous and noble impulses, everywhere swelled our ranks; these with other classes of citizens make an army for freedom which you see is invincible. [Cheers.] This victorious army, pledged to the defense of constitutional liberty and to the bringing back of the government to the principles and policy of its founders, is advancing with firm and steady tread to take possession of the national capital, and "Beneath thy skies, November, Thy skies of cold and rain, For, God be praised, New England Takes once more her ancient place; Again the Pilgrim's banner Leads the vanguard of the race. Along the Susquehanna, A shout of triumph breaks- The Northern hills are blazing, The Northern skies are bright, And the fair young West is turning Her forehead to the light. Then, Brothers, close up nearer, Press hard the hostile towers, For another Balaklava And the Malakhoff is ours." SPEECH OF HON. JAMES M. ASHLEY, OF OHIO. DELIVERED IN THE U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union Mr. Ashley said: MR. CHAIRMAN: Respect for legislative, executive, and judicial authority is a peculiar characteristic of the constituency I have the honor to represent. Indeed, respect for all constitutional obligations, and for the laws passed in pursuance of the Constitution, as well as for all authoritative judicial decisions, may with propriety be said to be a leading trait in the character of the American people. Especially is this respect habitual, with the great body of the people of the free States. Trained in the school of loyalty, taught to venerate the teachings of the fathers, and guided in their daily walk and in all their public and private intercourse with their fellow Letter from Bishop H. M. Turner, D. D., LL. D., Atlanta, Ga. This was Mr. Ashley's first speech in Congress. It was an exhaustive and able appeal for the unconditional emancipation of the negro. In this speech and in the two following speeches his arraignment of the Supreme Court for the "Dred Scott" and other pro-slavery decisions, has never been answered. In a majority of Mr. Ashley's congressional and platform speeches will be found arguments for an ideal republic, such as the great men who achieved our independence contemplated, when they organized our National Government, and gave us a written Constitution. Uniformly there is blended with his appeals, the historical with the philosophical. These speeches are all characterized for their frankness and fidelity to the black man, and for their fairness to the Southern people. Every reader will be fascinated with their sincerity and clearness of thought, their marvelous political knowledge, and be charmed with their simple dignity and unaffected eloquence. H. M. TURner. |