The distinguished Senator evidently did not then think, he certainly did not even intimate, that these opinions of the President elect were so unconstitutional and violative of Southern rights as to justify revolution on the contingency of his election. On the contrary, they were produced and relied upon to satisfy the South that he would be truer to her than Douglas. And yet, who supposes that if the latter had been the choice of the people, the present troubles could or would have been produced?

Nor, in truth, is there anything in his opinions so clearly wrong as to cause alarm. They are, in some particulars, in my judgment unsound and mischievous, but not so mischievous as to warrant serious apprehension, or—before he is even permitted to explain his actual policy—to justify or excuse revolution-the destruction of the Government. Singular idea, that because possibly he may advise and be able to carry measures calculated to destroy it, that the safety and duty of the South warrant them in destroying it themselves, in advance. How men, loyal to the Union and anxious for its preservation, can so reason, is incomprehensible. There are, no doubt, in some States enemies of the Government, life-long enemies, resolved at all hazards to effect its ruin, and who have been plotting it for years. But these are not to be found in Maryland. Here, thank God, such disloyalty never obtained even a foothold.

We may differ now. as to the exact course to be pursued, but we differ only as to the best means of accomplishing a common purpose-the Union's safety. In this particular I have differed, and still perhaps differ, with friends whose fealty to the Union is as strong and abiding as it can be in any American heart. Let us, therefore, casting aside all prior differences, mere party controversies, unite together as a band of brothers, and in good faith and with unflinching firmness, rally around our noble State; noble in her institutions; noble in her Revolutionary history, noble in the great fame of her illustrious dead, and resolve by all just and honorable means, by any fair and equitable adjustment of sectional controversies, to assist her in efforts to terminate the sad, dreadful strife which now imperils all we hold dear. Finally, is all hope lost-all remedy gone? I

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think not. The danger that is upon us has its origin, I think, in part to wrongs, and to wrongs on all sides. The North is the most to blame, but the South is not blameless. It would be to no useful purpose to display the particulars. Criminations and recriminations, God knows, to the dishonor of all, have progressed far enough and produced results bad enough.

The violence of the press, the desecration of a part of the Northern pulpit, the scurrilous, insulting debates in Congress, the insidious and thieving interference with rights of property in the South, the libelous assaults upon the Supreme Court, for having been but faithful to Constitutional duty-the avowed purpose when the power should exist, to reconstruct it, for sectional ends degrading to the South and destructive of their rights, and finally the election of a President and Vice-President by an exclusive sectional vote, have in fact, fastened upon the public mind of most, if not of all the Southern States, a conviction that they owe it to their own honor, their own interests, their own safety, to have now, and at once, such amendments of the Constitution or other measures as they think will forever terminate the strife by effectually securing to them the equality of rights which they fully believe the Constitution was intended to secure to them.

These principally relate to slave property, and an equal participation in the Territories. Is it possible that the North (by the North, I mean the Free States,) can be so wedded to theories, to philanthropical conceits, fanatical opinions, as to be willing to see the Union destroyed which has made them what they are, rather than to surrender their evidently abstract opinions for its preservation? Can it be, that they would rather see the President of their choice presiding only over a shattered fragment of this great nation than yield these impressions in a spirit of patriotic brotherhood? Can it be, that rather than yield, they will be the instruments of committing "treason against human hope?"

Can it be, that rather than yield, they will subject to hazard of ruinous loss, if not certain ruin, every one of their industrial pursuits, and with them, in a great measure,

the comfort and happiness of themselves and their children? Can it be, that rather than yield, they would make strangers of friends, aliens of countrymen, common descendants of a boasted ancestry, bound together by every moral tie that the heart knows, enemies, instead of brothers? Can it be that they would rather deluge their native land in blood? No, no, I do not believe that it is in human nature so to act, and hence I do not despair. But how is safety to be obtained? In my judgment by the adoption of some such amendments of the Constitution as are proposed by the patriotic Crittenden, or the equally patriotic Corwin and his Committee. These would, I have the strongest reason for believing, satisfy the whole South, except South Carolina, whilst in her present phrenzy, and perhaps one or two others of the Cotton States equally crazed from over excitement. But the rest content, and the Union continuing with no abatement but of the few States, who doubts that ere long they will gladly come back within its sacred fold?

They at present believe, or seem to believe, that they could prosper outside of it. Sad delusion-deprived of the rest, they would soon realize the fact that in the estimation of the world they were nothing-too feeble to resist aggression, too limited, though left undisturbed, to attain even a partial prosperity.

This is eminently true of South Carolina-one of the smallest of the States. Without soldiers, without seamen, or the elements with which to make them, without material physical resources, with nothing but the individual gallantry of her small population to give her consequence, she would at an early day dwindle into total insignificance.

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It is the Union which she now madly seeks to destroy that has given her all her past consequence. It is the Union that has conferred upon her all her past advantages, and given to her all her past protection. Custom houses, court houses, post offices, forts, light houses, buoys, have been hers through the Union alone, and at an expense far greater than all the revenue received from her, directly or indirectly. Some of these she may, in defiance of gratitude and duty, seize, and in mercy be permitted to hold, but the disbursements for their further use must be hers. And

these, in a short, a very short period, would make her a bankrupt. Already, if reports be true, is she sadly suffering. Can she much longer adhere to the reckless course which produces it? Will the wise, reflecting, loyal part of her people much longer submit to it? No. She will be with us again.

As Mr. Jefferson, on the 20th of October, 1820, when separation was then apprehended, wrote the late William Rush, "it (the separation) will be but for a short timetwo or three years trial will bring them back like quarreling lovers, to renewed embraces and increased affection." Some of the sons of these States possibly look to a re-opening of the slave trade; some of them, we know, have often recommended it. Vain the hope! The horrid traffic is condemned by the judgment of the civilized world, and accursed of God. The feeling against it in England and France is too strong to be disregarded by these governments, if they were so disposed, as they certainly are not. They would not permit its revival by these few feeble States, and if persisted in by them, would prohibit and punish it, even by war.

Nor, unless the United States (for these would still remain) acknowledge their independence, would it be acknowledged by other nations. Their staples they could only ship in American or foreign vessels, sailing with the permission of the United States. Nor could they receive exports in any other mode. A more helpless isolation, or more degrading dependence, can hardly be conceived. It is impossible, therefore, but that these States will, sooner or later, be most happy to return, and be with us again. An early adjustment that will retain all the rest, and bind them even the closer together, would carry joy through the land.

Even Massachusetts, so much given of late to sentimental politics and mischievous philanthropy, will be glad to adjust on fair terms. Of this I feel satisfied. A reaction of opinion has evidently already begun there. And who is not desirous to retain Massachusetts ? Who can, without pain, meditate her possible loss to the Union? The first blood in our first mighty conflict was shed on her soil, and the first blow there struck for and in the defence of the

rights of all. In the Senate, and in the field, throughout that great period, her sons were among the foremost in stirring eloquence, cheerful sacrifices and matchless daring. Their bones almost literally whitened the soil of every State, and the Stripes and Stars when in their hands were ever the certain pledge of victory or death. Who would surrender Concord, Lexington, Bunker Hill?

What American would give up the right to tread within the sacred precincts of Bunker Hill, and there to catch the patriotic, Union spirit, which is the very genius of the place? She may have recently, no doubt she has, gone astray. But her error has been but the excess of her virtue. Her love of freedom has caused her to forget that, unless restrained, it soon runs into licentiousness. Her love of freedom has caused her to forget that with us, and as their fathers taught, and all history teaches, that our freedom can only be truly enjoyed and promoted by observing all the obligations of the Constitution.

And I doubt not that she sees the danger now, and is prepared to sanction any measure necessary and proper to arrest it, and to make her in heart, as she is in interest and in duty, bound to observe in good faith all its engagements.

South Carolina, too. Who is willing to part with her? Her great names, during the same classic period, won for her and for all, an undying fame. Her Moultries, Pinkneys, Rutledges, Haynes, Marions, Lawrences, do not belong to her alone-they are as much ours as hers; as the fame of Washington is as much the property and pride of the world as of Virginia. She, too, is astray now, as she was once before. She now thinks herself out of the Union. But there is a common tie, however, for a moment imperceptible and inoperative, that still makes us hers, and hers The tie of blood, of language, of religion, of love of Constitutional freedom, of a common ancestry, who in battle and in council were ever a band of brothers-deliberating, fighting, dying, for our joint liberty and happiness. Time, time, therefore, that great pacificator, can only be necessary to arouse all to duty-to unite us all—to bring us back to each other "to renewed embraces and increased affection."

ours.