How is that time to be had? I think we should await awhile longer the action of Congress. The most experienced and wisest of its members are daily, hourly, laboring to restore our peace. Success, I believe, will reward their efforts. But this failing, there is still ground of hope. Let the Border States unite in council and announce to the extremes of either section what they think should be done, for their own protection and the general safety, and in no boasting or disparaging spirit, but with affection and firmness, recommend it as the ground on which they are resolved to stand. I believe, yes, as firmly as I credit my own existence, that such a recommendation would be hailed every where with approval. That done the danger is over-peace restored-the Union, the glorious Union preserved, and all its countless blessings secured forever. It cannot be that such a Union can be destroyed. It cannot be that it is not beyond the reach of folly or of crime. If asked when I should be for a dissolution of the Union? I answer as the patriotic Clay once answered, and as I know you will answer, "Never, never, never." Asked "when I'd rend the scroll Our fathers' names are written o'er, Its mingled stars and stripes no more; Or felon counsels, I would sever "Think ye that I could brook to see To gratify a soulless rout Of traitors? Never, never! never!!" Independent of the great recollections associated with it, the very country it embraces shows its necessity, and promises and secures its immortality. Its mighty mountains, ranging for hundreds of miles through continuous States; its noble bays, rivers, lakes, only to be prosperously or safely enjoyed under the protection of a common Government; commerce, with other nations, and among States, so vital to the welfare of all; differences of climate and soil and labor and productions, each best for itself, and all vital to the whole. The necessity of a power adequate to the protection of all, as well as of each-of a rank in the community of nations so high as to command respect, enforce rights and repel outrage, so important to all, demonstrates that God and nature intended us to be one. But whilst these efforts are being made to preserve it, and citizens on all sides are being brought to a sense of reason and duty, what is to be done? Is civil war to commence? Certainly not, unless it be brought on by further outrages on the clearest Constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and, as loyalty says, traitorously, seized upon fortresses, the admitted property of the United States, bought and constructed with their money, and for their protection, and with her consent, and now threatens to seize the rest. But one other, Fort Sumter, is left. It stands protected by the National flag, and its defence, and the honor of the Nation, are, thank God, in the keeping of a faithful and gallant soldier. The name of ANDERSON already enjoys an anticipated immortality. Is that fortress to be surrendered? Is he to be abandoned? Forbid it, patriotism! Is that flag that now floats so proudly over him and his command-the pledge of his country's confidence, support and power, to succumb to the demands of an ungrateful, revolting State, or to be conquered by its superior accidental power? I say, no, noa thousand times no. The fortress must at all hazards be defended--the power of the National Standard preserved, and the national fame maintained. This has been already sadly neglected, no doubt with good motives, but from misplaced confidence. It recently covered other spots that know it not now. Its place is supplied by one never known to the world, and never to be known. The Stripes and the Stars have long achieved a glorious name. They have been significant of power wherever they have waved, and commanded the respect and wonder of the world. And yet, in a State that owes so much to it—whose sons have so nobly and so often fought under it—it has been torn down, and vainly sought to be disgraced and conquered. Vain thought! Hear how a native poet speaks of it: "Dread of the proud and beacon to the free, A hope for other lands-shield of our own, If the cannon maintains the honor of our standard, and blood is shed in its defence, it will be because the United States cannot permit its surrender without indelible disgrace and foul abandonment of duty. I have now done, and in conclusion I ask you to do what I am sure you will cheerfully and devoutly do-fervently unite with me in invoking Heaven, in its mercy to us and our race, to interpose and keep us one people under the glorious Union our fathers. gave us till time itself shall be no more. LETTER FROM HON. J. J. CRITTENDEN. UNITED STATES SENATE, January 2d, 1861. Gentlemen,—I have just had the honor to receive your letter of the 31st ultimo, inviting me to address a Union Meeting of your fellowcitizens of Maryland, soon to be held in the City of Baltimore. It is impossible that I could be insensible to the honor done me by such an invitation--and I thank you, gentlemen, for the very kind and complimentary terms in which you have urged my acceptance of that invitation. Yet it is not in my power to accept it. My health is not just now very good,—that I could disregard, but my duties so occupy me that I feel I ought not to withdraw myself from them for a day, while such vital questions are pending. You will be pleased, gentlemen, to make my excuse acceptable to your Union Meeting, and assure them of my sympathy,―my warm and cherished sympathy, -in all their sentiments. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours, &c. Messrs. Wм. H. COLLINS, WMм. MCKIм, B. DEFORD, |