trict, and the payment by the State of transportation of the pupils to and from the schools. Recently in Connecticut a very careful map was prepared to show the advanage of this system. It is urged by progressive educators that the State be divided into State school districts equal to about the area of a county, each school district to have two high schools, located at points easily accessible by rail and otherwise, the elementary and grammar grades to be located by the State officers after a careful study of each locality. This would remove from the community the little red school-house with all its present limitations, sanitary as well as educational. The administration of the schools is to be under the control of a State superintendent and eight county superintendents, who are to serve for eight years, this superintendent and bis assistants to be recognized experts and paid salaries commensurate with the services rendered. Eight county councils are provided for, composed of the County Superintendent, with one member for each town in the county, and an additional member for each five hundred pupils in school enrollment. Minnesota has within the last month arranged for the consolidation of her small school districts, and provision has been made for the erection of high-school buildings in the center of each township, and for the conveyance of the children at public expense. Superintendent Skinner, in summing up the difficulties of the elementary schools, makes a statement which applies to every State in the Union: "When it is remembered that the first eight years of school life carry the child through a formative period of greater consequence than any which follows, and that the State, through the public schools, then exercises over all the children a control which it is immediately thereafter forced by withdrawals to relinquish in the case of ninety-four per cent. of them, the duty of providing the most favorable conditions for intellectual and moral growth at this early stage is apparent." A most striking evidence of the progress possible under the new law control ling the public schools of New York and the Board of Education appointed under Mayor Strong is seen in the selection of Mr. Frank Damrosch as Supervisor of Music of the public schools. Rarely has a Board of Education had equal opportunity to appoint to a position a man who had so conclusively proved his fitness for the place. For years Mr. Frank Damrosch has conducted the People's Choral Union of New York, the first thoroughly successful attempt to teach an art to the untrained in New York. The classes of the Union have been crowded, and the attendance so regular that the director has been able to give the "Messiah" with a chorus of one thousand voices. The critics agree that the performance left little to criticise. Mr. Damrosch has proved his ability to do the work to which he is called in the city where his future success lies. The appointments of the principals to three of the High Schools have been made. The advocates of the appointment of a woman to the Girls' High School did not succeed. The principal appointed is Mr. John G. Wright, of Philadelphia. The agitation in favor of the appointment of women to the position of principals of Girls' High Schools will continue, and will doubtless be successful in the future. During the past week the Greeks have been the victims of still further disasters, have shown the same splendid courage which has dignified the struggle from the start, and are now standing at bay and suing for peace. There were important battles at Velestino and Pharsalos last week, the Greeks fighting against heavy odds with the greatest spirit, but being compelled in the end to retreat because their line was broken by flank movements on the part of the Turks. Pharsalos and Volo were promptly occupied by the forces of Edhem Pasha, and the Greek troops retreated to Domoko, where they have a mountain range behind them, and will be in an extremely perilous position if the Turkish forces make a sudden advance. The air is full of reports of proposed intervention on the part of the Powers and of an application for intervention on the part of Greece, and the situation is so desperate that it is ! probable that Greece is trying to secure peace on the best possible terms. A new and perplexing set of questions will arise when the attempt is made to determine the conditions of peace. Turkey will naturally be eager for an indemnity, and it is reported that the amount to be asked will be about thirty millions of dollars. It is absolutely impossible for the Greeks to pay any such sum. One of the worst results of the unfortunate struggle is the access of strength which success brings to Turkey. It looks now as if the solut'on of the Eastern question were postponed indefinitely, as if Turkey had taken a new lease of life, and as if all the uncertainties and miseries of the situation were to be passed on to another generation. Amid all the confusion, moral and otherwise, of the Eastern situation, the courage of Greece shines like a star. Never has a small country faced more tremendous odds with a more dauntless spirit. Greece has practically had not only Turkey but all Europe to contend with, and she is the only country involved in the Eastern situation which has carried herself in a way to command the respect of Christendom. Not only has the courage of the men in the field been worthy of their ancestors, but the heroism of the women, the self-denial of families, and the devotion of the whole people, as reported by European observers, have been quite beyond praise. It is one of the tragedies of history that such courage and devotion should have been betrayed by weak and ineffective leadership. The King has been warned again and again of late years against the policy of setting aside the thoroughly trained officers in the army and substituting for them his personal friends. A correspondent of the "Evening Post," of this city, says that the entire command both of the army and navy during recent operations has been in the hands of aides-de-camp of the Crown Prince, who are men without military experience or talent; that the only Greek staff officer of high talent is on half pay; that three other officers of conspicuous ability were put out of the way in Crete; and that the officers in command in Thessaly have been men of notorious incapacity. When the history of the war is written, it will appear that the Greeks have been betrayed both at home and abroad; for there is very good evidence to believe that they were led into the war by false promises of aid, and that the weakness of the King, preyed upon by a court faction, has brought them to disaster in the field. rep When the first horror of the disaster in the Palace of Industry in Paris, by which over a hundred and twenty-five lives were lost, has passed, it is natural to ask whether such terrible destruction of life might not have been prevented by foresight and care. There is no doubt that the building in which the great fair for charity was to be held was inflammable and poorly guarded; that exposed lamps were recklessly allowed in the place, and that there was a lack of police and fire supervision. A wretched story-we hope not true-is published to the effect that the Prefect of the Paris police attempts to excuse himself for not properly inspecting and policing the place because the patrons and patronesses of the bazaar were all Reactionists, and he feared to meddle lest he be accused of trying to suppress a Catholic enterprise. Moreover, he resented as saying, many of the organizers of the affair were Ralliés, whom the Government wished to oblige. It need hardly be said that such an excuse is much worse than none. Our New York Fire Department officials declare that such a catastrophe would be practically impossible here, and point out the precautions taken to safeguard the public wherever there is a crowd, instancing particularly the presence of a large force on and about the stands on the day of the Grant parade. The general efficiency of our Fire Department is indeed a just cause of pride in New York. It remains to be seen whether the investigation into the causes of the Paris fire will be searching and result in the punishment of persons to whom guilt may attach. In this respect European cities have usually been more thorough than those in this country. Such fatal occurrences as the recent Boston explosion, for instance, almost never are followed by the conviction of criminally reckless or careless persons, The social 1 prominence of many of the victims of the Paris fire makes it peculiarly notable among other disasters of the kind. Of the Duchesse d'Alençon, sister to the Empress of Austria, every one has words of praise to say, and it appears probable from the statements of some who were saved that she refused to press forward to escape, in order to give visitors the best chance to avoid the flames. The Independent Labor party of Great Britain has adopted a most radical programme. It declares that "the capital necessary for industrial operations should be owned and used collectively," and as a means to this end proposes the following definite enactments: (1) "A maximum eight-hour working day and six-day week." (2) "The provision of work to all adult applicants at trades-union rates, with a statutory minimum of sixpence per hour [$1 per day]." (3) "State pensions for every person over fifty years of age, and adequate provision for all widows, orphans, sick and disabled workers." (4) "Free maintenance of children while at school or university; free primary, secondary, and university secular education." (5) Raising the age of child labor, with a view to its ultimate abolition." (6) "Abolition of indirect taxation, and the gradual transference of all public burdens on to unearned incomes, with a view to their ultimate extinction; municipalization and popular control of the liquor traffic." Some of these planks are reasonable enough, but they are in strangely visionary company. The municipalization of the liquor traffic, for example, is urged by innumerable conservative reformers, but the "extinction" of unearned incomes seems to mean that those who work and save shall be denied the use of their savings in other words, that the farmer who clears his land and builds a house with his own hands must pay to the State the full rental value of his own creation. Similarly, "free primary, secondary, and university secular education" is approved even by conservatives in our Western States; but the free maintenance of children while at school would be resented by Western radicals as the pauperization of its beneficiaries. To minister to the higher needs without charge is one thing, but to minister to the material wants without charge is a very different thing. The distinctions between a socialism which elevates the individual citizens and a socialism which would convert the State into a charity organization seem to have been wholly lost. The whole platform of the Independent Labor party reminds one of those which the Continental Socialists used to put forward in the days when they hoped only for the support of the revolutionary dreamers. It is worthy of note that while this feeble party in Great Britain is adopting this revolutionary platform, the German Socialists, in the hope of making themselves a majority, are putting aside Karl Marx and urging social reform programmes which appeal to moderate men in other parties. A revolutionary party is always a small party, unless the folly of the reactionaries forces the moderate men to side with the revolutionists. accuracy of Queen's University, Canada, has given. the degree of LL.D. to Lady Aberdeen, This is the first time that this degree has ever been given by a Canadian institution to a woman, and it is reported to be the first time that it has ever been given on this continent to a woman. Of the this report we are not sure; but certainly the event is a notable one. It is notable for another reason: because it is a distinct recognition by a great college that wise philanthropy is as worthy of academic honors as mere scholarship; for it is in the realm of philanthropy that both Lord and Lady Aberdeen have proved themselves leaders. The increasing inclination of universities to regard life service as not less worthy of recognition than cloistered learning is an inclination to be welcomed, since it will tend both to make philanthropy wiser and learning more philan thropic. Colorado College has just received a gift of $10,000 in cash, the only condition attached being that the name of the donor shall not be revealed. The money will be used in erecting a hall for the young women's club-a greatly needed addition to the college buildings. This new home, which will be completed by the beginning of the fall term, will enable young women to secure board and room at $3.50 a week. Greater New York and the Citizens' Union On Wednesday of last week Governor Black signed the Greater New York Charter Bill. The new municipality created contains a population of over 3,000,000, and is exceeded in size only by London, the population of which is 4,500,000. The United States had but few more people when Washington became its President, while in point of wealth the estimated value of all the property in the Nation in Washington's time was but 750 million dollars, while the assessed value of the property in Greater New York is 3,000 million. Naturally, therefore, the campaign for the election of the first Mayor of the new city assumes tremendous importance. The annual expenditures of the new city government will exceed those of the State Governments of all the seaboard States from Maine to Florida. In the control of this expenditure the new Mayor will have nearly all the powers usually divided between the executive and the legislature. Only by a majority of five-sixths can the city legislature order any important expenditure if the Mayor objects. In determining appropriations for current expenses the legislature has no power whatever to increase the items or amounts recommended by the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, the members of which, with one exception, the Mayor appoints, and among whom he sits. The first Mayor of New York will have even greater power than any of his successors, for many of his appointees among the heads of departments and administrative boards will hold over during the term of his successor. The Mayor's own term will be for four years, and during this period his rule will be almost absolute. The new charter provides for a daring trial of the theory now popular among the influential classes, that a short cut to good government may be secured by the concentration of administrative and legislative powers into the hands of a single individual. Rarely in municipal history has there been greater need that the people should realize the importance of the emergency. The municipal election in New York City next November will be the first to be held apart from State or National elections. It will test the question whether or not the municipal government of the Greater New York is to be a prize awarded to the victor in partisan political strife, or is to be a businesslike carrying on of the city's affairs for the best interests of the citizens -economically, profitably, and honestly. This latter method is that proposed by the Citizens' Union, the organization of which we have heretofore described, and the platform of which we have at some length outlined. That platform is, in brief: The choice of candidates solely upon character and record; Civil Service Reform methods; ownership or control of city franchises by the city; rapid transit; improved schools; tenement-house reform; better pavements and clean streets, more small parks, playgrounds, and free baths in the crowded districts; above all, nonpar:isan and efficient government. The platforms of the Tammany and Republican party organizations are not yet formed, but, judging by present indications, they will be mainly made up of sneers at reformers, of demands for less liberal expenditure (without regard to results), and of well-deserved attacks the one upon the other. It was to be expected that every movement of the Citizens' Union would encounter misrepresentation and ridicule from the professional politicians of both varieties. During the past week these attacks have centered about two points. It has been announced that the Citizens' Union will not necessarily wait for the nomination of its ticket until the other parties are in the field. Thereupon it is assumed that this means an instant, rash, and illconsidered selection of candidates, and we are told that the early nomination of candidates is suicidal. That wisdom, care, and thought are necessary in this important step is perfectly true; but, these conditions being observed, the reform campaign cannot begin too soon or be waged too vigorously. The second and more dangerous attack is thus expressed by Senator Platt in his satirical letter on local politics given to the press last week. He says: Professing to abhor every such thing as a political organization, they [referring to the Citizens' Union] have started one of their own. Professing to detest "machine dictation," they have created a nice little compact machine, which they call their "Committee of Organization," and they have sent around to all the registered voters a printed power of attorney requesting each voter to sign away all his primary rights with regard to the making of platforms and the naming of candidates, and to empower these "best citizens" to fill all the offices within the Greater New York, binding themselves to accept any result they may please to give them. I have seen a good many insolent attempts to usurp power and grab public benefits, but this performance of the "best citizens," for sheer audacity and wanton recklessness, has no counterpart within my experience of politics.. ... In point of fact, no nominations will be made by the Citizens' Union that are not fully indorsed by the Committee of Two Hundred and Fifty-a committee made up from the ablest and best men in the city, men who stand pre-eminent in business, law, banking, manufacturing, and the other leading professions and occupations, together with representative members from nearly all the associations that are working for good government and for economic and political reforms. This may or may not be theoretically the best way of making nominations. Many would like to see some form of direct primary employed; but in the peculiar nature of the case the enrollment of Citizens' Union supporters will be continuous until election day, and it is preposterous to ask, as some half-hearted approvers of the movement are asking, that no nominations shall be made until the enrollment is "completed." Moreover, this is no time for experiments or half-measures. The Citizens' Union will have to stand or fall on the merits of its ticket. If that shall be weak, the fall will be overwhelming; if, as we believe probable, the ticket shall be strong and worthy of public confidence, no one will hesitate to support it because it has been placed before the voters by another method than that of the old-fashioned party machinery. Mr. Lauterbach said the other day, "Better have as Mayor a true Democrat, or even a Tammany man, than a man responsible to no party and with no party behind him." Senator Platt's letter abounds in sneers, only half-concealed, at all that has been non-partisan in the present city government. There is hardly any attempt to hide the politician's aversion to everything that municipal reformers are seeking. It is a bad year for a compromise ticket made up by "straight" Republicans and non-partisan voters. Greater New York's possibilities for the machine party workers are tempting and immense. The party leaders will yield nothing of consequence. Either the city will be possessed and governed by one of the two great party machines, or more probably by an ill-concealed coalition between them, or both must be defeated by an independent movement. And to bring about that defeat, minor differences must be sunk; strong and wise men must be placed at the head of the movement; bargain and compromise must be ignored. 回 Congregationalism and Christian Endeavor Our readers may remember that the Rev. William Rader, a Congregational pastor in San Francisco, delivered last winter a series of sermons on the Bible, in his own pulpit and to his own congregation, in which he took the view of " progressive revelation" presented with such ability by Dr. Samuel Harris, of Yale, in his "Self-Revelation of God," and applied it to the elucidation of the Bible, in the same spirit in which it has been applied by such scholars as Driver, Cheyne, Farrar, Fremantle, and Horton abroad, and by Bartlett, Peters, Bacon, Moore, Curtiss, Gordon, and Gladden in the United States. For this he has been taken to task by the " Occident," the Presbyterian organ of San Francisco, which has a perfect right to criticise and condemn his utterances if it thinks them unscriptural and erroneous. But the "Occident" has gone much further. A National Christian Endeavor Convention is to be held at San Francisco this summer, and Mr. Rader, who is an active leader in the Society of Christian Endeavor, is chairman of the local committee on pulpit supply. The "Occident" demands that he resign from this position, and, since he refuses to do so, that he be put out of his office by those having charge of the arrangements. It puts the issue in the following words: Is it the settled purpose of the Pulpit Supply Committee of 97 to retain the Rev. William Rader as their chairman ? If so, we warn the Committee and Endeavor officials everywhere that a most serious blunder is being persisted in, which may lead to disastrous consequences. ... The question at issue is far more than an individual |