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When the war began more men volunteered than were called for, but the wave of patriotism had spent its force; no volunteers came to fill up the ranks, and Congress ordered a draft. It was to go into effect July 1st. The Peace Democrats said that the war was a failure.

A great "Peace" Convention was held in New York City, which passed resolutions favoring State rights, for which the South was contending. These the words of one of the resolutions: "Under the Constitution there is no power in the Federal Constitution to coerce the States by military force."

Fernando Wood, of New York City, said, "I am for peace as the only possible hope for the restoration of the Union. I am for peace because the war is a failure. The Government has no power to coerce a State. It is a failure because we have undertaken what we cannot perform."

The Democratic Convention of Pennsylvania denounced the emancipation of the slaves by President Lincoln and the employment of negroes as soldiers, and passed this resolution:

"The party of fanaticism-or crime, whichever it may be called-that seeks to turn loose the slaves of the Southern States to overrun the North, and to enter into competition with the white laboring masses, thus degrading their manhood by placing them on an equality with negroes, is insulting to our race, and meets our most emphatic and unqualified condemnation. This is a government of white men, and was established exclusively for the white race."

From the beginning of the war the Confederate Government had been looking eagerly across the Atlantic to the countries of Europe for sympathy and help, had received both in arms, ammunition, and supplies of all kinds had been recognized as belligerents. But that was not enoughthey must be recognized as a nation. They had defeated great armies, won brilliant victories. If now they could invade Pennsylvania and defeat the Northern army in its own territory, their friends in England would compel the Queen to recognize the Confederacy as a nation.

If they could defeat the Union army in Pennsylvania, then they could take possession of Baltimore and redeem Maryland; then Washington would be theirs, and they would fling out the Stars and Bars above the dome of the Capitol, and the Confederacy and not the Union would everywhere be hailed as the rising power of the Western World. The recognition of the Confederacy by France and Great Britain would irritate the North, already angered by the course pursued by the latter country; war would follow, and then the iron-clad war-ships of England's great navy would scatter the fleets blockading Wilmington and Savannah and the

Chesapeake like chaff before the wind, and carry desolation to New York and Boston. The troops of Great Britain were already in Canada; Confederate agents were at work in Montreal and Toronto, and opposite Detroit, or Niagara Falls. Once bring about a war between England and the United States, and the independence of the South was certain.

Mr. Roebuck, a member of Parliament, and a great friend of Jefferson Davis, and Mr. Lindsay-also a member of Parliament, who owned a great many ships, and who, we may believe, was not sorry to know that the Florida and Alabama were burning the ships owned by Americans; that every vessel thus destroyed would bring more grist to his mill and give employment to more British vessels-were both exceedingly active to bring about a recognition of the Confederacy as a nation by England. Mr. Roebuck brought a motion before Parliament to that effect. The debate upon the question was to be held on the evening of the last day of June. The Confederate agent in London had written to Richmond these words: "At least five-sixths of the lower House and all the peers, with only two or three exceptions, are friendly to us.”(')

Mr. Roebuck was the member from Sheffield, where tall chimneys were pouring out clouds of smoke, engines throbbing, steam-hammers pounding, and forges flaming, rolling out thick iron plates for England's navy and for the Confederate navy, and steel for the manufacture of cannon for the Confederates. Mr. Roebuck held a meeting there and induced his constituents to declare in favor of recognizing the South.

Mr. James Spence, of Liverpool, who had a valuable contract with the Confederate Government, was organizing "Southern Clubs" and "Associations" to influence the people of England, the working-men, the famishing of Lancashire, to declare themselves in favor of recognition. The agent of the Confederacy in London was employing a great number of men to write articles for the newspapers in favor of the South. One morning in May, while the army under General Lee was getting ready to march towards Pennsylvania, the people of London saw on all the billboards along the streets, displayed in bright colors, the British and Confederate flags side by side. The Confederate agent, Mr. Hotze, wrote to Mr. Benjamin in regard to it,

"I have taken measures to placard every available space in the streets of London with representations of our newly adopted flag conjoined with the British flag. I design it to impress the masses with the vitality of our cause, to produce some effect before the motion comes on for discussion."()

In the month of March, through the action of Baron Erlanger, of

France, Mr. James Spence, of Liverpool, and some of the bankers of London and Paris, a scheme was carried out, the promoters of which expected to make a great deal of money, and at the same time help on the Confederacy. It was known as the Confederate Cotton Loan. Cotton was very

cheap in Charleston, Savannah, and Mobile, but it was worth fifty cents a pound or more in Liverpool. The Confederate Government was to deliver the cotton at a fixed price, the money thus obtained to go for the payment of the men who were building the iron-clad ships of war in the ships-yards at Birkenhead, and for cannon, powder, muskets, and supplies.

Persons subscribing to the stock of the company were to have their shares at ninety, the par value being one hundred. The loan was put on the market on March 19th, and so adroitly had the agents stimulated the stock - brokers, and those who sympathized with the South, that sixteen million dollars were subscribed for, and the shares commanded a premium of four and one-half per cent., and a great many people were disappointed because there were no more shares to be had.() Mr. Mason, Confederate minister, wrote this in his letter to Mr. Benjamin, "It shows, malgre all detention and calumny, that cotton is king at last.”

Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay were doing what they could to induce. Parliament to vote in favor of Mr. Roebuck's motion, and to bring about. the co-operation of Louis Napoleon. Mr. Slidell, in Paris, was working with them. Had we been in the apartments of the Emperor in the Tuileries on the afternoon of June 18th, we should have seen Mr. Slidell and Louis Napoleon consulting together.

"Would it be agreeable for you to see Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay?" Mr. Slidell asked.

"I would like to see them. You may write to them to that effect."() The Emperor waited a moment, and then said, "I think I can do better make direct proposition to England for joint recognition. . . . I shall bring the question before the Cabinet meeting to-day."

Mr. Slidell thanked him for his sanction of the contract made for the building of four ships of war at Bordeaux and Nantes, and said,

"I am prepared to build several iron-clad ships in France, and I only require your verbal assurance that they shall be allowed to proceed to sea, under the Confederate flag, to enter into contracts for that purpose."

"You may build the ships, but it will be necessary that their destination shall be concealed."

Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay hastened to Paris and out to Fontainebleau, saw the Emperor, and on the 25th of June, while the army of General Lee was in the beautiful Cumberland Valley, in Pennsylvania,

making its way towards Gettysburg, Mr. Slidell wrote this to Mr. Benjamin: "The interview of Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay with the Emperor at Fontainebleau was highly satisfactory. They were authorized to state in the House of Commons that the Emperor was not only willing but anxious to recognize the Confederate States, with the co-operation of England."(")

This the state of affairs across the Atlantic as the Confederate army

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consolidated into three corps, commanded respectively by Longstreet, A. P. Hill, and Ewell; the cavalry by Stuart, and the artillery under Pendleton-prepared to move north, with the confident expectation that they would march in triumph wherever Lee might lead them--possibly through the streets of Philadelphia-and make Washington the capital of the Confederacy.() It is quite probable that no such picture presented itself to the

imagination of generals Lee or Longstreet, or other Confederate officers; they were able commanders, who made a proper estimate of the difficulties before them, but the enthusiasm of the soldiers was unbounded; they were confident of victory, and that they could reach Philadelphia or New York.

The Army of the Potomac under General Hooker was not so well organized as that of General Lee. It was composed of six corps, giving to a corps commander only half as many men as were controlled by a Confederate corps commander. The horses of the Union cavalry had been badly broken down in the long, hard marches of Stoneman at the time of the battle of Chancellorsville. General Pleasonton had been placed in command of the cavalry, who set himself to work to obtain new horses.

Deserters from the Confederate army, the last week in May, informed General Hooker that an order from General Lee had been read to the army that the troops were to have long marches and hard fighting in a part of the country where there would be no railroad transportation for them.

On the second day of June a man reached Fortress Monroe from Richmond, who said that General Lee was going to invade Maryland. General Hooker saw that some of the tents which had dotted the landscape on the green hills across the Rappahannock were there no longer. His scouts said that troops were moving from the battle-field of Chancellorsville towards Culpeper; that the Confederate cavalry was encamped in the fields near that town, and that Stuart was getting ready to make a movement; whereupon he determined to find out what General Lee was doing, and ordered pontoon bridges to be laid where Sedgwick crossed the river four weeks before. Again the Sixth Corps, under Sedgwick, marched down to the river, but only a portion of the troops crossed. General Longstreet's troops had just started towards Culpeper, and were at once halted; but General Lee came to the conclusion that General Hooker was not intending to cross the river, and the troops moved on.

General Hooker was troubled by visitors who came to the army. Fathers and mothers wanted to see their sons; wives, their husbands; sisters, their brothers. He sent this to Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War:

"My army is more in danger of being taken by the women than by rebels. They arrive by steamboat-loads. Yesterday was not a good day for them; only eighteen arrived; of these fifteen held passes from the War Department." In another despatch, the same day, he gave this information to General Halleck: "As the accumulation of the heavy rebel force of cavalry about Culpeper may mean mischief, I am determined to break it up."

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