The Organization and Work of the THE National Religious Liberty Association was organized at Battle Creek, Mich., on the evening of July 21, 1889. Its purpose was well summed up by the president at the first annual session, held in the autumn of the same year. 66 'A few men," he said, "believing in civil and religious liberty, organized for the purpose of combating anything and everything that has a tendency toward uniting church and state." The animating principle of the organization was no new one to Seventh-day Adventists. They had been teaching it from the beginning. Like the Baptists, from whom in a sense the denomination may be said to have sprung, Adventists regard the church as a distinctly spiritual organization, owing spiritual allegiance to Christ alone, and seeking from the state nothing more than the protection which that power is intended. to give alike to all its citizens. Adventists were not occupying new ground in opposing religious legislation. It was a development which their views of prophecy led them to expect. Already in the middle of the nineteenth century, years before the Blair Sunday bill, or any similar piece of legislation, had been brought before Congress, Adventists had in their literature taken the position, based upon the prophecy of Revelation 13: 11-17, that there would arise here in the United States an intolerant hierarchy similar to the papacy of the Middle Ages, which, taking advantage of certain circumstances, customs, and prejudices, would seize upon the civil power of the government, and use it for the accomplishment of its own ends. Hence the organization of the National Reform Association, followed by other developments looking in the same direction, and especially persistent efforts to induce Congress to subvert the principles of the national Constitution, together with manifestations of intolerance and persecution in a number of States, all seemed to demand that some steps be taken to meet the issue, and to make the most of the opportunity for warning all the people of the impending danger. The immediate cause of the organization of the Religious Liberty Association was the rapidly increasing activities, not only of the National Reformers, but of certain other religious organizations having for their aim and purpose to commit the United States to religious legislation. Efforts in this direction were made early in the history of the Republic. In 1811 the synod of Pittsburgh was petitioning Congress to prohibit mail stages from traveling on Sunday, and to close the post offices. on that day. In the following year the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church sent in a petition to the same effect. Similar requests and petitions came from various sources in the course of the next few years, and early in 1830 the time seemed opportune for some kind of answer. Col. Richard Johnson, of Kentucky, then serving as chairman of the House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, made a statement of the principles involved. He pointed out that conscientious people cherished widely different opinions. He said: "The memorialists regard the first day of the week as a day set apart by the Creator for religious exercises, and consider the transportation of the mail and the opening of the post offices on that day the violation of a religious duty, and call for a suppression of the practice. "Others, by counter-memorials, are known to entertain a different sentiment, believing that no one day of the week is holier than another. Others, holding the universality and immutability of the Jewish decalogue, believe in the sanctity of the seventh day of the week as a day of religious devotion, and, by their memorial now before the committee, they also request that it may be set apart for religious purposes. Each has hitherto been left to the exercise of his own opinion, and it has been regarded as the proper business of government to protect all and determine for none. But the attempt is now made to bring about a greater uniformity, at least in practice; and as argument has failed, the Government has been called upon to interpose its authority to settle the controversy."-" American State Papers," by W. A. Blakely, pp. 245-248. Also "American State Papers," class vii, p. 229 et al. (Library of Congress). The report went on to point out the limitations of Congress in dealing with such matters: "Congress acts under a Constitution of delegated and limited powers. The committee look in vain to that instrument for a delegation of power authorizing this body to inquire and determine what part of time, or whether any, has been set apart by the Almighty for religious exercises. On the contrary, among the few prohibitions which it contains, is one that prohibits a religious test, and another which declares that Congress shall pass no law respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. "If Congress shall, by the authority of law, sanction the measure recommended, it would constitute a legislative decision of a religious controversy, in which even Christians themselves are at issue. However suited such a decision may be to an ecclesiastical council, it is incompatible with a Republican legislature, which is purely for political, and not for religious purposes." Id., pp. 248-250. This comprehensive statement of the fundamental principles gave a temporary quietus to the attempts to commit Congress to religious legislation. Some years were to elapse before the question would be generally agitated again. In 1863 there was launched an organization known as the National Reform Association, whose avowed purpose, as stated in Article II of its constitution, was: "To secure such an amendment to the Constitution of the United States as will declare the nation's allegiance to Jesus Christ and its acceptance of the moral laws of the Christian religion, and so indicate that this is a Christian nation, and place all the Christian laws, institutions, and usages of our government on an undeniably legal basis in the fundamental law of the land."- Id., p. 343. Moreover on May 21, 1888, there was introduced into the Fiftieth Congress a bill prepared by Senator H. W. Blair, of New Hampshire, designed to secure nation-wide Sunday observance. The original title read: "Bill to secure to the people the enjoyment of the first day of the week, commonly known as the Lord's day, as a day of rest, and to promote its observance as a day of religious worship."- Id., p. 360. A hearing was given in the interests of this bill on Dec. 13, 1888, the advocates of Sunday laws occupying the entire time, with one exception. A. H. Lewis, D. D., a leading minister and AMERICAN SENTINEL VOLUME 1. **Corrupted cemen are the worst of slaves." OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA, JANUARY, 1886, Tet dva which is „dronated by some that this may be male a Christian nation by simply making a change in the fast tution, was thas pertinently commented upon by the Janesville, The American Sentinel. NUMBER L or our reasons, will be ready to clun un, and 201 who indane our positions with the base of the It is well known that there is a large and carth, assuming that we are striking at the influential association in the United States, bear foundations of morality and religion But they ing the name of the National Reform Associare much mistaken in their estimate We ation." It te popularly known as the Iteligions promise to do or say nothing agamet the plainest Amendment Party," because it is endeavering principles of morality and religion. to secure a religious amendment to the Coust from that, we shall try to set before our readem tation of the United States. As stated by the the true relation of morality and religion, and world, its object is "to put God in the Constito show that this relation is not correctly prs. ton According to its own avowal its aim is sented by this amendment party " to prou -Such an amendment to the Constitution of But the objector will say "There can be no the United States (or its presmble) as will harm in recognizing Jous Christ as the Baler suitably acknowledge Almighty God as the of the native, and his laws as the rele of our author of the nation's existence, and the alt live" We know that this plan is plausible--mate source of its authority, Jesus Christ as its we may say it is teking with nearly all-religion Ruler, and the Bible as the supreme rule of its peqle Yet it is specious, plaumble in the conduct, and thus indicate that this is a Chris agtsglais go this should saced, they rise uation, and placo ali Christian laws, insti "yes of those only who have not examined the 6 Bat independent of the question as to what extent we are a Christian nation, it may well domine whether, if the gentlemen who are be whald og do sety a very great injury Soch mensarca are but the initiatory steps which Umately at to restrictions of religions freedom. and to committing the Government to meas une which are as foreign to its powers and purposes as would be its action if it should undertake to determine a disputed question of theology." An Unprofitable Alliance. Is regard to the improved benefit of the church by State patrounge or an alliates be tween the church and the State Ford Macaulay speaks as follows Those words are worthy of carefni ermederation- The ark of God was never taken till it was Burrauded by the arms of earthly defenders In captivity, te sanctity was sunt to vinds eate it fruta insult, and to lay the hatile fend. prostrate on the threshold of his own tempde The real vanity of Christianity to be found In its benevolent morality, in its exquisite adaptation to the human heart, in the facility with which ita scheie aeromodates itself to the capacity of every human intellect, in the epsolation which it bears to the house of mourning in the light with which it brightens the great mystery of the grave. To such a system it can bring no addition of diguity or of strength that it is part and parcel of the com tutes and usages, on an undeniable legal sahjeet in its bearings, or have not trared the End to which it necessarily leads. Let a notion some of the things which must attend the way com of their efforts, and sume principle bearing on the subject: The president of this association is Hon. Felix it. Brunot, who has held that positiu almost from its origin. Its present list of vice presidents, to the number of two hundred, 1. The Constitution of the United States mal. embraces bishops of churches, judges in the be so amended as to portat lave to be made highest courts in the land, governors, and repre which shall legalise the laws and institutions, af sentative men in various secular positions pre-Christianity, or of that which they may claim idents of colleges, doctors of divinity, and is Christianity. They ask that thưpo laws, inprofessors of theology in large numbers. Institutions, and usages shall be put on a legal fact there is no other socistion in the land bass" Of course to be put on a legal basis which can boast such an array of names of they must be made matters of legal enforce eminent and influential men. It employs its ment. That this is the object of that associa agents and lecturers, who are precating their tion, res! and avowed, we promise to clearly. cates to the churches and to the people, and show. who almost every whore report unbounilesi sne cos in their efforts It has also ʼn paper, the Christian Stulemus, as its organ to advocate its cause 2. To carry this amendment into effect, any person who refuses to obey the laws and unge of Christianity mast be subjected to pensities for his neglect or dieabedience. As no law en While there are many people in the land who exist without a penalty, no matitations or mage are opposed to, or look with suspicion upon the can be placed on a legal basis without suther evements of this party there is no paper pubising penalties for their enforcement. This lushed in the United States, which has for its undeniable. 3. A person can be convicted of a minde distinct object the vindication of the rights of American citizens, which we solemnly believe,meanor only before a court of Justice, on the are threatened by the actions and airs of this text of the law and the bearing of evidence, antion That light may be disseminated 4. The court is necessarily constituted the "The whole history of Christianty shown, that abe is in far greater danger of being car on this subject, we have commenced the pabli-judge and expouent of the law, and, therefore, rupted by the alliance of power, than of being cation of Tur AMERICAN SENTINEL. That such if disagreement arisee as to the meaning of the crushed by its oppositions Those who thrust a paper as this in nos ded, we think we can take law, or as to what constitute a misdemeanor temporal sovereignty upon bor treat her s mon law. their prototypes treated her author They bowpparent to every individual who will read our in the premises, the court in the authority, and the knee and fat ojem her, they ery," Hall" paper, who will hold prejudice in abeyance, and the sole authority, to which appeal must be and me her on the cheek, they put a scepter exsune our reasons with candor made. in ber hund bet it tas fragile rood, they rown While so many really think they are doing 6. And, therefore, if a question ariane as te ber, but it in with thorns, they over with pur Gud service in their efforts to change the form what is or what is not Christian law, mango, or pls the whands which their own hands have in of our Government, and we are willing to give institution, it must be ditermined by a court of Bieted on her; and inscribe magnificunt titles! over the crom on which they have fixed ber them credit for thinking so, wo are aware that justice! Or, if it be said that it need not be lu to parish is ignominy and pain"-Essay on they will look with disfavor ajab our work, to the docision of a civil court, but snel gam Beathey's Galleymes. and sune, who do not understand our motives tions may be referred to sa ovckmination! vouri editor among the Seventh Day Baptists, was permitted to speak for a few minutes. He weakened his cause, however, by admitting the right of Congress to legislate on the subject, and only asked an exemption in favor of his people. At this point Seventh-day Adventists, who had been entirely ignored, asked the privilege of a hearing, and were allowed about an hour and a half. A. T. Jones, the chief spokesman, made it very clear that Adventists were not seeking an exemption clause, that they would oppose the bill just as much with as without such a clause, because they regarded the principle of legislation in behalf of a religious institution as in itself fundamentally wrong. Senator Blair, who presided at the hearing, interrupted the speaker again and again, but finally admitted that the argument presented was logical and sound throughout. A report of this hearing, which brought Adventists for the first time somewhat prominently before the national legislative body, was printed in pamphlet form, with additional material on the subject of religious legislation, and widely circulated throughout the country. Meanwhile there were various cases, especially in the Southern States, of Adventists' being fined for garden and field labor on Sunday, and everything pointed to the need of enlightening the general public as to the principles of religious liberty. It was in view of these circumstances that Adventists thought it wise to organize an association which should give its particular attention to this one thing. The movement first took shape in the appointment in December, 1888, of a press committee of three "for the purpose of devising and carrying out plans for the dissemination of general information to the public, on the question of civil and religious liberty." C. Eldridge, M. B. Duffie, and W. H. McKee, the members of the committee, had much other work to do; but they were instrumental in securing the publication of a number of articles and reviews in various. papers. In January, 1889, W. H. McKee, who was acting as secretary, was furnished an assistant in A. F. Ballenger. The work thus re-enforced rapidly grew in extent and efficiency. Early in February a new press committee was appointed by the General Conference Committee, consisting of the following seven members: C. Eldridge, A. T. Jones, D. T. Jones, W. A. Colcord, J. O. Corliss, J. E. White, W. H. McKee. The committee organized on the 10th of February, and immediately sought the co-operation of the various conferences, who were asked to |