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to leave upon record a testimony for himself and for his friends, of their apprehen. sions for the important events of this year, and of their readiness to sacrifice the personal considerations of rural amusements and relaxations, to the momentous concerns of this country and America. He thought that the unlimited confidence, which the House had put in ministers, without any materials of information laid before them, would alienate the Americans from the hopes of reconciliation. He therefore wished to shew them, that they still had some friends left, who thought no anxiety or labour too much, to take the least chance of improving any favourable event that might happen, towards the restoration of peace. He moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, setting forth, that his faithful Commons, in compliance with the sentiments and recommendations of his Majesty's most gracious Speech at the opening of the present session, have been induced to support his Majesty with very great and expensive armaments both by sea and land, together with many powers of coercion and punishment of such of his Majesty's subjects in America as are in a state of resistance to his authority: that his faithful Commons, reposing themselves implicitly upon the wisdom and moderation of his Majesty's counsels, and without any communication of the detail of matters and transactions in America, either from the governors of the several provinces, or the commanders of his Majesty's forces, or any communication of authentic papers from any of the public offices corresponding with the plantations, which might be explanatory of the views, tempers, forces, connections, public proceedings, number, and disposition, of the persons discontented and in arms, have adopted measures, in general confidence of the recommendation of his Majesty's most gracious Speech from the throne, without specific materials of information, his Majesty not having thought proper to refer any such to this House: that his faithful Commons, having reposed a boundless trust in the wisdom of his Majesty's counsels, think themselves so much the more bound to their constituents, and to their country, to watch that the powers which they have so entrusted to his Majesty, may not be ignorantly or destructively applied by his ministers; and as the events of this anxious and important year may probably be decisive to the future union and well-being of all his Ma

| jesty's dominions; and as the advice of parliament at the shortest notice may be of the utmost importance to the salvation of these kingdoms; and as a continued series of unsuccessful and unpromised events have attended the execution of his Majesty's counsels for many months past, from the loss of Ticonderoga to the retreat of his Majesty's forces from Boston, which seem to betray either ignorance or concealment of the operating causes, which have produced such unexpected events, and which have occasioned a general disquietude and alarm; that his faithful Commons humbly entreat that his Majesty will be graciously pleased not to prorogue the parliament, but that he will suffer them to continue sitting, by adjournment, during the summer, that they may be ready to receive from time to time such information of the transactions in America as his Majesty shall think proper to lay before them, to watch and provide for every important event at the earliest moment." It passed in the negative.

The Speaker's Speech to the King on presenting the Money Bill.] May 23. The King came to the House of Peers. Before his Majesty passed the Bills,

The Speaker addressed him to the following purport:

"May it please your Majesty ; "Your Majesty's faithful Commons, have in the present session, passed several wise, salutary, and necessary laws; parti. cularly the law for prohibiting all trade and commerce with America, the law for the more speedy and effectual manning your Majesty's navy, and the law for establishing a national militia. Your Majesty's faithful Commons, with equal assi duity and attention, have performed every duty, through a long and severe session. The business of America has engrossed the greatest part of their attention. Nothing has been wanting on their part to strengthen the hands of government; they have voted the most full and ample supplies. Convinced of the justice and necessity of securing the subordinate dependence of America, they have cheerfully co-operated in every proposition for securing the duty of your Majesty's subjects in that country, and their obedience to the legislative power of Great Britain. Your Majesty's faithful Commons, whatever measures may have been taken for the security of both, by a proper exertion of the strength of

this country, do not wish for conquest, but for peace and conciliation. And, trusting to your Majesty's parental attention to the interests of every part of the empire, they have a full reliance on your Majesty's wisdom and goodness, that the present disputes with America will be happily terminated; and peace established on so firm a basis, as to prevent a return of the same evil in times to come."

The King's Speech at the Close of the Session.] His Majesty put an end to the Session with the following Speech:

"My Lords and Gentlemen; "The conclusion of the public business, and the advanced season of the year, make it proper for me to give you some recess; but I cannot put an end to this session without assuring you, that the fresh instances of your affectionate attachment to me, and of your steady attention and adherence to the true interests of your country, which you have shewn throughout the whole course of your important deliberations, afford me the highest satisfaction.

"No alteration has happened in the state of foreign affairs since your meeting; and it is with pleasure I inform you, that the assurances which I have received of the dispositions of the several powers in Europe, promise a continuance of the general tranquillity.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "It was with real regret and concern that I found myself under the necessity of asking of my faithful Commons any extraordinary supplies: I thank you for the readiness and dispatch with which they have been granted; and they are the more ac ceptable to me, as you have shewn, in the manner of raising them, an equal regard to the exigencies of the service, and the ease of my people; and you may be assured, that the confidence you repose in me shall be used with proper frugality, and applied only to the purposes for which it was intended.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "We are engaged in a great national cause, the prosecution of which must inevitably be attended with many difficulties, and much expence: but when we consider that the essential rights and interests of the whole empire are deeply concerned in the issue of it, and can have no safety or security but in that constitutional subordination for which we are contending, I am convinced that you will not think any price too high for the preservation of such objects.

"I will still entertain a hope that my rebellious subjects may be awakened to a sense of their errors, and that, by a voluntary return to their duty, they will justify me in bringing about the favourite wish of my heart, the restoration of harmony and the re-establishment of order and happiness in every part of my dominions. But if a due submission should not be obtained from such motives and such dispositions on their part, I trust that I shall be able, uuder the blessings of Providence, to effectuate it by a full exertion of the great force with which you have entrusted me."

2

The Parliament was then prorogued to the 1st of August; and was afterwards further prorogued to the 31st of October.

THIRD SESSION

OF THE

FOURTEENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The King's Speech on Opening the Session.] October 31, 1776. The King came to the House of Peers and opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses :

"My Lords, and Gentlemen,

"Nothing could have afforded me so much satisfaction, as to have been able to inform you, at the opening of this session, that the troubles which have so long distracted my colonies in North America were at an end; and that my unhappy people, recovered from their delusion, had delivered themselves from the oppression of their leaders, and returned to their duty. But so daring and desperate is the spirit of those leaders, whose object has always been dominion and power, that they have now openly renounced all allegiance to the crown, and all political connection with this country: they have rejected, with circumstances of indignity and insult, the means of conciliation held out to them under the authority of our commission; and have presumed to set up their rebellious confederacies for independent states. If their treason be suffered to take root, much mischief must grow from it, to the safety of my loyal colonies, to the commerce of my kingdoms, and indeed to the present system of all Europe. One great advantage, however, will be derived from the object of the rebels being openly avowed, and clearly understood; we shall

have unanimity at home, founded in the general conviction, of the justice and necessity of our measures.

"I am happy to inform you, that, by the blessing of Divine Providence, on the good conduct and valour of my officers and forces by sea and land, and on the zeal and bravery of the auxiliary troops in my service, Canada is recovered; and although, from unavoidable delays, the operations at New York could not begin before the month of August, the success in that province has been so important as to give the strongest hopes of the most decisive good consequences: but, notwithstanding this fair prospect, we must, at all events, prepare for another campaign.

"I continue to receive assurances of amity from the several courts of Europe; and am using my utmost endeavours to conciliate unhappy differences between two neighbouring powers; and I still hope, that all misunderstandings may be removed, and Europe continue to enjoy the inestimable blessings of peace: I think nevertheless that, in the present situation of affairs, it is expedient that we should be in a respectable state of defence at home.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "I will order the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. It is matter of real concern to me, that the important considerations which I have stated to you, must necessarily be followed by great expence: I doubt not, however, but that my faithful Commons will readily and cheerfully grant me such supplies as the maintenance of the honour of my crown, the vindication of the just rights of parliament, and the public welfare, should be found to require.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen, "In this arduous contest I can have no other object but to promote the true interests of all my subjects. No people ever enjoyed more happiness, or lived under a milder government, than those now revolted provinces: the improvements in every art, of which they boast, declare it: their numbers, their wealth, their strength by sea and land, which they think sufficient to enable them to make head against the whole power of the mother country, are irrefragable proofs of it. My desire is to restore to them the blessings of law and liberty, equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they have fatally and desperately exchanged for all the calamities

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The Lords' Address of Thanks.] His Majesty having retired,

The Earl of Carlisle said, that he rose with great reluctance, knowing his own incapacity either to take the lead on so important an occasion, or to pay that just tribute of thanks due to the gracious speech from the throne; a speech, be would venture to affirm, replete with the strongest marks of sound policy, royal wisdom, and paternal tenderness, for the prosperity, happiness, and freedom of all his subjects. His lordship observed, that the nation had been brought into its present critical situation by the arts of designing, ambitious men; and he could not, while he lamented the influence the leaders in America had over their infatuated brethren, help remarking, that the daring and open hostilities, which preceded their declaration of independency, would never have happened, if that disobedient, traitorous spirit had not been nourished, and strengthened by a set of men in this country, who, deserting its interests, shamefully sacrificed them to their personal views of faction and ambition. He said, the ground taken on this occasion, became dangerous in proportion to its plausibility; for it was, indeed, hardly conceivable, that the people of America, who owed so many obligations to the parent state, would ever cancel them all, without any real provocation:* but the event had proved the contrary; and as the noble lords on the other side the House founded their opposition on the idea, that America never did aim at independency, he trusted now that the question had totally altered its nature, the consequence of such alteration would be an unanimity as complete, as he was assured it would be decisive, in restoring peace to this distracted and divided empire. His lordship commented on several parts of the speech, particularly on the zeal and bravery of the King's troops, the recovery of Canada, and the late success on Long Island. He spoke with warmth upon the insolence of the rebels in refusing to treat with the commissioners appointed by his Majesty. He bestowed several harsh expressions on the behaviour of the Congress; spoke of the necessity of vigorously exerting ourselves in the course of the ensuing campaign, in order to repair the repeated injuries this country had received from its unnatural children; and concluded

Earl Fauconbergh seconded the motion. His lordship observed, that the question between Great Britain and America was changed; the original one, relative to taxation, no longer existing. The alternative was now, whether we should for ever relinquish America, and submit to the consequences which must inevitably ensue from our giving up all future pretensions to a superiority over that country? or, considering the great and important stake for which we are contending, make one vigorous effort to bring its deluded inhabitants back to a proper sense of their duty? He was for the latter.

with assuring their lordships, that he did | and the other great advantages drawn from not entertain a doubt but that ample their constitutional dependence and conreparation would be obtained, and that the nection with the parent state; and though whole would terminate to the mutual hap- the right were clearly on our side, nay, piness and advantage of both countries. even that there were some degree of neHis lordship then moved an Address in cessity for exercising it, yet when the real the usual form. disposition of the people came to be known, their resources, strength, and numbers, came to be revealed, and the enormous expence of prosecuting such an expensive war, at so great a distance, was properly considered; motives of expediency in the first instance, and considerations of the impracticability of such an attempt, united, would induce him for one to consent to any reasonable terms of accommodation. What, said his lordship, do ministers tell us this day? They come forward, and, through the medium of the speech, write a panegyric on their own conduct. I will put the whole of their defence on this short issue. I ask them, in the course of their experience, whether they ever heard, or can now be persuaded to think, that a whole people, so numerous, and living under so many different forms of government, though members of the same political body, ever unanimously confederated to join in a revolt, under a mild, wise, and equitable administration of public affairs? His lordship arraigned the principle on which the measures have been all along supported, that of unconditional submission. He said, the idea was abhorrent to the subjects of this free government; that Englishmen, whatever their local situation may be, know no obedience to any thing but the laws; and that when the protection of the laws was taken away in several instances, particularly by the Capture Act, when they were declared open enemies, and put out of the King's peace, it was impossible for them to do otherwise than they did. If they declared themselves independent, it was long after they were declared enemies; and for his part he could not possibly see what degree of obedience was due, where public protection was openly withdrawn. His lordship then moved the Amendment which will be found at the end of the debate.

The Marquis of Rockingham condemned, in strong terms, the contents of the Speech. He remarked on the following passage: "No people ever enjoyed greater happiness, or lived under a milder government, than those now revolted provinces, the improvements in every art of which they boast declared it; their number, their wealth, their strength by sea and land, which they think sufficient to make head against the whole power of the mother country, are irrefragable proofs of it." This passage, his lordship contended, was a virtual censure of the present administration, and pointed out the impolicy of forcing such a people into rebellion. It proved, beyond question, the great advantages of a mild government, and the evils resulting from a cruel and oppressive one. He presumed, that ministers would hardly pretend to say, that it was the present system under which this people throve, and rose to that pitch of opulence and strength, they themselves had given so lively a description of; if it was not, but that it evidently impeded instead of augmenting this state of domestic prosperity, it followed of course, that America owed its greatness to a system of mild government; and that a direct deviation, or total abandoment of that system, was what gave occasion to the present unnatural civil war. He said, whatever colour might be now given to the present state of affairs, taxation was the original cause; and he still continued to think, that the only sure constitutional taxes which ought to be drawn from the colonies, would be the monopoly of their trade;

The Duke of Manchester drew a parallel between the present state of the British empire, and that of ancient Rome in its decline. He observed, in one, as the other, the mere forms of the constitution were preserved long after every effort of despotism was felt in its fullest extent, Imperial Rome oppressed her provinces and dependencies, like Britain; her sub

jects bowed under the yoke of the most | ther ground. He said, that it was now no insupportable oppression, like that endea- secret, that a fleet had lately sailed from voured to be inflicted on our colonists; Cadiz, with a considerable body of land and he did not hesitate to foretel, that as forces on board. This armament must be in one instance the distant subjects of that destined to carry on hostilities against us overbearing mistress of the universe, by in some part of the western world, or for the injustice and severity of her govern- South America, to be employed against ment, forced her provinces to resist her the Portuguese. Supposing the former lawless power; so in the other this country not to be the case, no doubt could be enhad alienated the obedience and affection tertained of the latter, which came exactly of her American subjects, which would to the same point; because, if Portugal bring on a dismemberment of the empire, were attacked, Britain must consequently and probably terminate in a total dissolu- be involved in a war, unless we broke our tion of this government. His grace re-engagements with Portugal, and sacrificed marked on that passage in the speech re lative to assurances of amity, said to be received from the several courts of Europe, in a very pointed manner. He said, it contained the most improbable information that could be well conceived, unless we supposed, that the framers of the speech, and those who advised the present naval armaments, thought differently on the same day; or were not the same persons; for if assurances were given, and that they were to be depended on, why have recourse to that mode of manning our navy, a press, which was known to be fraught with so many hardships and inconveniences, and which should never be resorted to, but in seasons of difficulty and danger? If, on the other hand, those assurances of amity were not to be relied on, why deceive the public and parliament in so gross and flagrant a manner? Why delude them into a dangerous repose? Why tell them, on the eve of a rupture, that we were in a state of perfect tranquillity? But his grace insisted, that we ought not, in the present situation of affairs, to trust either to assurances, however strong, or reasons however plausible, when facts were so evidently against them. He had the most undoubted information, that whatever those assurances might be, they ought not to be relied on. A gentleman, on whose veracity he could depend, assured him, that he had been at Havre de Grace some short time since, where he saw a vessel publicly loading with fire arms and other military stores for the use of the provincials. If, in the language of the speech, the Americans were to be esteemed rebels, and if rebels in arms were to be looked upon as open enemies, the fact now alluded to was an irrefragable proof, that France was in the first stage of open enmity with Great Britain.

His then contradicted the sub. grace stantial information of the speech on ano

our dearest interests to the blind rage of making a conquest of our fellow-subjects in America. We were bound by treaty to support and defend Portugal. The dif ference was therefore very little, whether France or Spain broke with us openly, or in this indirect manner, the consequences would be the same: we should in the end find ourselves engaged in a war with the united force of the House of Bourbon.. Portugal had already given us the highest instance in their power of their friendship; they had forbid the provincials from entering their ports. Had France or Spain done so? The contrary was notorious. If then, taking the question in either light, as an attack of Spain on our ally, or the open encouragement given to our subjects now in arms against us, he wished to know from administration what requisitions had been made on our part, to bring the courts of Versailles and Madrid to an explanation on those very important points; what was the effect of those requisitions; and what we had now finally, at so critical a period, to depend on? No reliance was to be had at any time on the pacific assurances of those courts, much less when their conduct contradicted them; that therefore a tame acquiescence in whatever, measures they might think proper to adopt, or an immediate war with those powers, was inevitable, which, considering the present distracted and almost exhausted state of this country, threatened no less than its total ruin. He had foreseen this from the beginning; he had often foretold it. He was in future determined to lament it in silence, as all further efforts, he perceived, would be in vain; however, as the last attempt, he very readily joined in the amendment moved by his noble friend.

Lord Cardiff declared the colonists to

* Lord Mountstuart, eldest son of the earl of Bute. Born 1744: in 1796 created marquis of Bute.

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