spend those millions for amusement. We took that island to expand our trade, and the only way we can do that is by putting hostile tariffs against you."

You may ask what I mean by that argument-what I am leading to. Well, I think that English public opinion has changed, owing to the thought of the workmen.

The workmen find that although the Americans are exceedingly fond of them, and are just now exchanging the most brotherly sentiments with them, yet they are shutting out their goods. The workmen also find that Russia, France, and even Germany locally are doing the same, and the workmen see that if they do not look out they will have no places in the world to trade with at all. And so the workmen have become Imperialist, and the Liberal party are following.

Now, when we commenced that policy of taking over the North-and you must not give me the sole credit of it-the thought that guided one in one's ideas was that the world was limited, and that the country to which we all belong should have as much of it as it could possibly get. This was a consideration which affected not only the people at home, but the people here, including not only English, but Dutch.

If we are a great people it is because we are an amalgamation of races. I have found that the strongest point urged by the opponents of territorial expansion is that they say:

"You are always talking about the annexation of territories, but what do you do? We helped Canada through all her wars, and gave her self-government, and the first thing they do is to place huge tariffs against us and shut out our goods. Australia has done the same, and every colony to which we give self-government does everything in its power to follow suit."

Now, practically, apart from the sentiment of a great Empire, the British are a commercial people, and yet these colonies, having gained all the advantages of self-government, shut out British goods, and made bad clothes and bad boots at the expense of the general community.

Having thought over this matter a great deal, we have now, in the constitution of a new country-namely, Rhodesia— the best reply to the Little Englanders, for that constitution contains a clause that in a territory representing 800,000 square miles of the world's surface the duties on British goods shall not exceed the present Cape tariff. We have a fairly high tariff, but it is for revenue, not for the protection of industries. Having adopted that principle, it is the constitution of the country, and I see no possibility of its being changed. It is a sacred thing, and that is the return to England for the blood and treasure that she may spend on the protection and security of the new country.

From the colonists' point of view we have a fair tariff, if there were an opportunity of development. We have a fair stimulant in the present tariff, and we will not have a tariff so high as to give the people bad articles simply for the promotion of local industry. If you follow that thought, and secure federation, that will be the basis of the tariff system in Africa.

With such a system we could make the best reply to the mother country, saying: "We do not talk of sentiment to you; we have done a practical thing; we have asked nothing from you in return, but have placed on record in our constitution an upper limit for your goods, which will give you practically the sole trade of our territories."

I had a great battle over how the clause should be worded. The late Ministry wished me to put it that the duty on im

ported goods should not exceed the present Cape tariff, but I said, "No, I will have it 'British '—not 'imported.'

The politics of the next hundred years are going to be tariffs and nothing else. We are not going to war for the amusement of royal families as in the past, but we mean practical business. The next war may be not with guns and rifles, say with America, but America will have to be told that they must change their tariff or Great Britain will put a tariff against them.

The United States would not hold out for twenty-four hours, but would say it was perfectly good business, and would meet us on the tariff basis. With regard to South Africa, the present difficulties are only temporary, but supposing we had put into the Rhodesian constitution only the word "imported," and the mother country had adopted our policy for the sake of free trade in the world, that constitution would bar it here because the word "imported" covers the world, but the present constitution of Rhodesia-which is the Cinderella of the Cape-contains the word "British."

The time will come, although probably most of us will be gone, when her Majesty's government will say to the world, "We will give you free trade and admit your raw products, but you must admit our manufactures, and until you do so we will not give you equal privileges."

I think that the best reply possible to the Little Englander when he uses the phrase "Cui bono "-" To what advantage?" I reply the advantage of the trade of Rhodesia. Great Britain will have a perpetual market for her goods until the constitution of Rhodesia is changed, and you must remember there is one thing which human beings never change, and that is the sacred constitution on which their country is founded. It was the sacredness of the constitu

tion of Washington which brought about the American war and which appealed so powerfully to the American citizens. I feel sure that when federation in South Africa is arrived at this idea of an upper limit for British goods will remain in the constitution of the federated States, and will be their return to the mother country for the blood and treasure she has spent in their behalf.

I will now relate to you a rather amusing incident. If I have had one persistent opponent in connection with my thoughts of expansion, it is Sir William Harcourt. Just when I was getting my fresh capital, Sir William went out of his way to make one of those ponderous speeches which are only equaled by the size of his frame, describing the scheme of a Cape Town-to-Cairo railway as a wild-cat scheme. Well, you know that the line up to Bulawayo is already paying interest upon construction, and also that we have raised from three to four millions, which will take it to Tanganyika; and without running the risk of being accused of repetition I may add there are very good grounds for supposing that we shall see Lord Kitchener shortly steaming steadily away from Khartoum to Uganda.

But, oh, the ironies of fate! Sir William Harcourt had to retire compulsorily from the representation of Derby, being beaten by Mr. Drage, who, I understand, is the chairman of the South African Committee, and who assured me that he defeated Sir William upon the Imperial question, the question that England meant to solemnly recognize her obligations to retain her colonies, thus encouraging the doctrine of honest expansion.

Then Sir William Harcourt had to retire to the delights of Wales. After a happy rest within the precincts of Rome, he returned the other day, not to attack the Budget, as a

gentleman said, but to visit his constituents, and now came the irony of the situation. After a delightful speech he visited the ironworks of his principal supporters, a large number of the voters of his division, and was exceedingly pleased with what he saw. But there was one horrid writing on the wall. They were making rails for the line to Cairo. They had an order for about fifty miles, and had lately got an order for another fifty, and he met the wild-cat scheme everywhere. The wages of the workmen, the profits of the owners, the industry that was shown him, all of it was production for this wild-cat scheme. I think that story is an amusing one, and it contains a lesson.

I would almost be happy to go and stand for that constituency. I notice that all those gentlemen, with the exception of Mr. Morley, are now declaring that they are not Little Englanders, but people must judge them by their past speeches and not their present or future utterances, because they are only waiting and hoping for a reverse to return to the point. They hoped it might come in China, or in Fashoda, but I do not think they really expect it in the Transvaal.

That notion is too ridiculous. I always think that President Kruger must be very proud of himself. I should feel alarmed if I heard that the Tsar was going to Pekin, or that the French were moving in Newfoundland or the Niger territories, or were quarrelling over the Fashoda settlement. But when I am told the President of the Transvaal is causing trouble I cannot really think about it. It is too ridiculous. If you were to tell me that the native chief in Samoa was going to cause trouble to her Majesty's government, then I would discuss the proposition that the Transvaal was a danger to the British Empire.