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threatened by annihilation by Indians and French, to secure united action from the various colonies for the common good. Boston and Massachusetts declined to contribute one shilling or one soldier to preserve the settlers in other colonies from the tomahawk of Pontiac. Colonies that did not feel them. selves the pressure of the Molasses Act or the Boston Port Bill were similarly slow to come to the rescue of Massachusetts.
Yet somehow, thanks to the steady education of public opinion, neither by making taxed goods cheaper than untaxed, nor by conferring the government patronage of the Stamp Act on Americans alone, nor even by force of arms, was a British parliament or a British king able to collect money in Massachusetts by any means that did not include the consent of those who contributed, or to prevent the union of the thirteen colonies.
It is the judgment of the English historian, Lecky, as to the colonies-and there are many who will agree with him that
“The movement which at last arrayed them in a united front against England was not a blind, instinctive patriotism or community of sentiment like that which animates old countries. It was the deliberate calculation of intelligent men, who perceived that by such union alone could they obtain the objects of their desire.”
Among such Americans Bostonians have a noble place. It was Benjamin Franklin who urged, in the Albany Plan, the union of all the colonies for the common defence. It was James Otis who, springing to leadership with his decunciation of the blanket warrants that left no warehouse, Jo home sacred from the just or unjust search of the customKouse officer, steadily pleaded year after year for permanent
principle rather than present advantage. It was John Hancock who not only risked fortune, but faced the felon's
rope, that he might preside in turn over conference, convention, and Congress.
Finally, the very author of resistance, the “Father of the Revolution,” the busy patriot whose brain framed the conception of committees of correspondence for Massachusetts, which were to expand into committees of correspondence for the colonies and finally into the Continental Congress; the statesman whose advice in the debate over the Declaration of Independence was, “I should advise persisting in our struggle for liberty though it were revealed from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish and one out of a thousand were to survive and retain his liberty"; the American who sought no rank for himself but the first rank for his country was Samuel Adams of Boston.
The future of the United States, the results that have since flown from the “ auspicious epoch ” of American Independence, were foreseen, and by some even before independence itself was a fact. Forty years before the first gathering of American statesmen in Philadelphia the Marquis d'Argenson, foreign minister of Louis XV, described not only the United States of a hundred years ago but the United States of today. George Washington, too, viewing almost with inspired eye the stress and trials yet to come, urged upon his fellow countrymen in his will some plan “ which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away with local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would or indeed ought to admit, from our National Councils.”
The inspiring principles of the epoch laid the axe to the root of the upas tree of feudalism in France. They inspired, ;
as George III foresaw they would inspire, the Reform Bill in England. They led Kossuth in his struggle for an independent Hungary, and cheered the dark hours of Garibaldi with hopes of a united Italy.
The words in which those principles have been expressed have been found too, alas, in the mouth of every demagogue who has since sought to establish a dictatorship or an oligarchy on the ruins of law and order, from Maximilien Robespierre in France to Juan Gualberto Gomez in Cuba.
With the opening of the new century we have entered upon the inheritance promised us over one hundred and fifty. years ago by the minister of the most absolute despot of his time, but in the spirit, let us hope, of the first republican of modern times. The dream of the great minister of Louis le Bienaimé has been more than realized, and with a speed that in the light of history may well stimulate, if not apprehension, at least caution among such Americans as are eager not so much for brilliant achievement as for enduring success. Not with the ordered march of a great star, but with the headlong rush of a comet, have we risen not merely to the ranks of the great Powers but to that dominant position that can be challenged alone by a coalition of the nations.
Not until five hundred years after the date set for the foundation of Rome did the Roman republic rise as a world power upon the ruins of Carthage. The first German emperor was not crowned till eight hundred years had rolled by after the victory of Arminius checked the advance of Rome beyond the Rhine. Not till six hundred years after i Sempach did England, Cromwell's England, sit at the board of the masters in the councils of Europe, and half a thousand years drenched unhappy Italy with tears and blood before
Giuseppe Garibaldi succeeded where Cola di Rienzi had failed.
We have crushed the work of six centuries into one. Enge land sought to oppress us.
We obtained our freedom. France seized our merchantmen.
We became a naval power.
. The Barbary States demanded blackmail, and piracy vanished from the Mediterranean in the smoke of Decatur's guns. England sought to press our seamen. We seized from her the freedom of the seas. Mexico tried to subject Texas. She lost California. A State made independent of England in spite of its own vote fired upon the emblem of the Union at Sumter, and from the ashes of the old federation of South Carolina and her sister States there rose up at Appomattox a united nation. Spain forgot that the American people, slow to anger, will never endure the murder of those who serve beneath our colors, and to the Spanish islands of the sea have gone the free American election, the free American public school, the fruit, the seed of modern civilization.
The aged fingers of the dying century seize the stylus to record as the last startling deed of the world's most startling hundred years, the partition of the great Empire of the East among the great Powers of the West. The stylus falls. The Powers have paused. Diplomacy no longer masks destruction. A new century grasps the tablets, and above the guiding hand that writes there bends a new face, child's no longer, calm with the serene strength that seeks for peace but fears not war-the United States of America.
The United States that Washington left was an undeveloped federation of jealous, almost of incongruous States. The United States that Lincoln left was a nation fused in the crucible of war, but with resources undeveloped and with fow responsibilities beyond its own borders. The United
States of McKinley is one of the Powers of earth with the destiny of nations in its grasp, and with a responsibility not to itself alone but to the Greater Power that has made it great.
Barely a century ago Franklin was seeking the alliance of France to aid us against a single European nation. Now Europe seeks the coalition of a continent against the supreme influence of the United States. Five years ago Massachusetts manufacturers were asking protection against European goods in the United States. Today, the Vienna Chamber of Commerce asks that the sale of Massachusetts shoes be prohibited in Austria.
Russia has passed the United States as a producer of petroleum but we surpass all other nations in the production of cotton, of corn, of wheat, of copper, of iron, of coal. No nation surpasses us now as a manufacturer of iron or copper or leather, and we are passing England as a manufacturer of wool and cotton and France as a manufacturer of silk.
The little nation of farmers and fishermen, so barren of industries that they fought their first pitched battle with British guns and French powder, has become the greatest industrial, the greatest commercial, but, alas, not yet the greatest maritime nation in the world. For the first time in this first year of the twentieth century it is possible to say. that no other nation excels or equals the United States in exports. The exports of American manufactured products alone are more than the entire exports of Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Italy, or Russia.
The nations of the East who sold cotton textiles to the fathers have become the customers of the sons. American shoes tramp the “back blocks” of Australia, American bicy. cles spin across the sun-baked plains of South Africa, Ameri