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tion, "You shall neither place a crown of thorns upon the brow of labor nor lay a scourge upon his back. You shall not rob him of any one advantage which he has gained by long years of steady progress in the skill with which he exercises his craft and by efficient organization among those who work with him at the same bench. You shall not obscure the golden prospect of a further improvement in his condition by a further cheapening in the cost of living, as well as by a further appreciation of the dollar in which his wages are paid." The man who raises his hand against the progress of the workingman raises his hand against prosperity. He seeks to restrict the volume of production. He seeks to degrade the condition of the man who in his own improvement is accomplishing an improvement in the condition of all mankind.
This wild attempt to divide the industrious people of this country into classes hostile to each other will fail. I do not regret this campaign. I am glad this issue has arisen. The time has come when the citizens of this country will show their capacity for self-government so that no man will again venture to challenge it. By defeating with crushing majorities the forces of disorder, they will prove that the men who have led the world in the pathway of progress will always be the vigilant guardians of liberty and order. They will not be seduced from honor by appeals to their cupidity or swerved from duty by threats of injury. They will forever jealously guard and trim the lamp of Freedom. They will ever relentlessly extinguish under their heels the red torch of Populist destruction.
When this tide of agitation shall have receded, when this Populist assault upon common honesty and upon industry shall have been repelled, the foundations of this republic
will remain undisturbed; this government will stand; still sheltering a people indissolubly wedded to freedom and law, sternly forbidding any distinction of burden or of privilege; conserving property, maintaining morality; resting forever upon the broad basis of American patriotism, American virtue, and American intelligence.
LBERT JEREMIAH BEVERIDGE, an American Congressman, was born in Highland county, Ohio, October 6, 1862. Soon after his birth his parents removed to Indiana, where his early life was one of privation and hard work. At twelve he worked as plow-boy, was a laborer on railway construction at fourteen, and a teamster the year after. He secured time for study in the winter months, however, and obtained an education at De Pauw University. He then became a law clerk in Indianapolis, and in 1884 began his political career by making speeches in behalf of Blaine in the campaign of that year. He opened the State political campaign in 1892, and general attention was drawn to him by his speeches in 1895-96. He was elected to the United States Senate as a Republican in 1899. In the same year he visited the Philippine Islands, and on January 9, 1900, addressed the Senate on that topic. He was a strong party man and is said to have made more speeches in Indiana, and devoted more time to party, than any one else in his State.
THE MARCH OF THE FLAG
SPEECH DELIVERED AT INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 16, 1898
ELLOW CITIZENS,-It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between the two imperial oceans of the globe, a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that he has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile, man-producing workingfolk of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon his chosen people; a history
whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands and savage wildernesses; a history of soldiers who carried the flag across the blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people who overran a continent in half a century; a history of prophets who saw the consequences of evils inherited from the past and of martyrs who died to save us from them; a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous reasoning we find ourselves today.
Therefore, in this campaign, the question is larger than a party question. It is an American question. It is a world question. Shall the American people continue their resistless march toward the commercial supremacy of the world? Shall free institutions broaden their blessed reign as the children of liberty wax in strength, until the empire of our principles is established over the hearts of all mankind?
Have we no mission to perform, no duty to discharge to our fellow-man? Has the Almighty Father endowed us with gifts beyond our deserts and marked us as the people of his peculiar favor, merely to rot in our own selfishness, as men and nations must, who take cowardice for their companion and self for their Deity-as China has, as India has, as Egypt has?
Shall we be as the man who had one talent and hid it, or as he who had ten talents and used them until they grew to riches? And shall we reap the reward that waits on our discharge of our high duty as the sovereign power of earth; shall we occupy new markets for what our farmers raise, new
markets for what our factories make, new markets for what our merchants sell-aye, and, please God, new markets for what our ships shall carry?
Shall we avail ourselves of new sources of supply of what we do not raise or make, so that what are luxuries to-day will be necessities to-morrow? Shall our commerce be encouraged until, with Oceanica, the Orient, and the world, American trade shall be the imperial trade of the entire globe?
Shall we conduct the mightiest commerce of history with the best money known to man, or shall we use the pauper money of Mexico, of China, and of the Chicago platform?...
What are the great facts of this administration? Not a failure of revenue; not a perpetual battle between the executive and legislative departments of government; not a rescue from dishonor by European syndicates at the price of tens of millions in cash and national humiliation unspeakable. These have not marked the past two years—the past two years, which have blossomed into four splendid months of glory!
But a war has marked it, the most holy ever waged by one nation against another-a war for civilization, a war for a permanent peace, a war which, under God, although we knew it not, swung open to the Republic the portals of the commerce of the world. And the first question you must answer with your vote is, whether you indorse that war? We are told that all citizens and every platform indorses the war, and I admit, with the joy of patriotism that this is true. But that is only among ourselves-and we are of and to ourselves no longer. This election takes place on the stage of the world, with all earth's nations for our auditors. If