her rigid adherence to the commandments of her God in every situation. It was proposed to her, and urged with great argument, to sell the two Indian girls, her late husband's property. No considerations of interest, or necessity, could prevail upon her to make merchandize of her fellow creatures, the works of her heavenly father's hand; immortal beings! One of these girls accompanied her to Scotland, where she was married, the other died in Antigua, leaving an affectionate testimony to the kindness of her dear master and mistress."

I am happy to add, that I have heard from our Missionaries, that several persons in Jamaica have, lately, from the power of the gospel upon their hearts, given up their slaves, who like Mrs. G. could not any longer "hold property in their fellow creatures-immortal beings." One of these is the persecuted Baptist Missionary, Mr. William Whitehorn, who, on his conversion, two or three years since, immediately liberated his domestic slaves. (N.) Worthy examples these for the imitation of all who profess themselves to be the disciples of Christ. Should not such persons in particular, who profess to owe to, and to expect every blessing from, the divine compassion, to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how he said: "OUGHTEST THOU

NOT TO HAVE HAD

PITY ON THY FELLOW-SERVANT, EVEN AS I HAD

PITY ON THEE?"

APPENDIX.

No. 1. Page iv.

As one proof of the correctness of this statement I quote an extract from a speech of the lamented patriot, the late Sir Samuel Romilly, delivered by him on the memorable night of the abolition of the Slave Trade, a speech which was received with such distinguished applause, that the delivery of one animated passage was followed by three distinct plaudits, an event which never perhaps occurred before in the House of Commons. Towards the conclusion he introduced the following brilliant apostrophe:-"When I look at the man [Napoleon Bonaparte] at the head of the French monarchy, surrounded as he is with all the pride of power, and all the pride of victory, distributing kingdoms to his family, and principalities to his followers; seeming as he sits upon his throne to have reached the summit of human ambition, and the pinnacle of earthly happiness;-and when I follow him into his closet, or to his bed, and contemplate the anguish with which his solitude must be tortured by the recollection of the blood he has spilt, and the oppressions he has committed; and when I compare with these pangs of remorse the feelings which must accompany my honourable friend [Mr. Wilberforce] from this house to his home, after the vote of this night shall have accomplished the object of his humane and unceasing labours; when he shall retire into the bosom of his delighted and happy family; when he lay himself down upon his bed, reflecting on the innumerable voices that will be raised in every quarter of the world to bless his name; how much more enviable his lot in the consciousness of having preserved so many millions of his fellow creatures, than that of the man with whom I have compared him, on a throne to which he has waded through slaughter and oppression! Who will not be proud to concur with my honoured friend in pro

moting the greatest act of national benefit, and securing to the Africans the greatest blessing which God has ever put it in the power of man to confer on his fellow creatures."-The Legal Observer, or Journal of Jurisprudence, for April, 1832, p. 383.

(A.) Page 8.

That such a charter as that which constituted the "Royal African Company" should have been granted by such a licentious profligate monarch as Charles II., as one of the first acts of his reign, is not at all surprising. Nor is it wonderful that no remonstrance on the part of the then obsequious parliament should have been made; nor, as far as appears, any protest left respecting it. A charter to enslave freemen on the coast of Guinea was quite in keeping with the "Act of Uniformity,” passed in the same year, by which more than 2,000 Ministers were ejected from their parishes; and the "Act for compelling Quakers to take an oath," which exposed them to great hardships; and the "Conventicle Act." for tormenting Nonconformists, and preventing their separate meetings, should have been also passed in the same year. I can easily conceive that Milton would have felt so indignant on account of the proceedings of this "Royal African Company," as to have produced the most emphatic lines introduced at the commencement of this Lecture, in page 4.

(B.) Page 9.

The bill for the abolition of the Slave Trade was passed on March 25, 1807. By this act it was enacted that no slave should be imported into our colonies after March 1, 1808,

(C.) Page 10.

It is said (page 10) that from 1780 to 1830 there had been an increase in the number of slaves in Jamaica of 81,000. Lest this should convey an erroneous idea, it should also be known that there have been imported into that island alone, since its conquest by Britain, no less than 850,000 Africans; and if

we add to this number 40,000 previously brought by the Spaniards, we have a total of 890,000, exclusive of all the births which have taken place since that period, and yet two years ago, from the oppressive hardships under which the slave population have laboured, they were reduced to 33,000."The Negro's Friend, No. 19, Page 5.

A paper has been circulated, which will throw still further light upon this dreadful topic of the rapid diminution of human life in the colonies, entitled "A Statement of the Decrease of the Slave Population in the Sugar Colonies," signed Thomas Fowell Buxton, and dated April 4, 1832, and said to be drawn up from official returns. The following statement is the "RECAPITULATION":

Total Decrease in the Slave Population in the

Sugar Colonies, on an average of 11 years 55,205

(D.) Page 10.

At the Annual Meeting at Exeter Hall, on the 23d of April, 1831, Mr. O'Connell said," But the speech of Mr. Burge, had filled him with such disgust and indignation that he could not then, [on the evening when Mr. Buxton's motion was before the house,] have spoken calmly. What,' said Mr. Burge, 'would you come in between a man and his freehold!' I started," said Mr. O'Connell," as if something unholy had trampled on my father's grave, and I exclaimed with horror,-A freehold in a human being!”—Anti-slavery Reporter, vol. iv, page 268.

(E.) Page 13.

The following extracts from Blackstone's Commentaries the intelligent reader will perceive bear strongly upon the state of the question between the planter and the negro, admitting the argument to be settled, that whether considered as an alien, born out of the King's dominions, or as natural born within the dominions of the kingdom of England, all the negroes in our colonies, under one or other of these designations, are subjects of the British Crown. They are from the chapters entitled, "The Rights of Persons," and the "Absolute Rights of Individuals.”—Book 1.

"The first and most obvious division of the people is into aliens and natural-born subjects. Natural born within the dominions of the crown of England; that is, within the ligeance, or as it is generally called, the allegiance of the king; and aliens, such as are born out of it. Allegiance is the tie or ligamen which binds the subject to the king, in return for that protection which the king affords the subject."

"Next to personal security, the law of England, regards, asserts, and preserves the personal liberty of individuals. This personal liberty consists in the power of loco-motion, of changing situation, or moving one's person to whatever place our own inclination may direct; without imprisonment or restraint, unless by due course of law, concerning which we