wood, or rippled water or broken clouds, much may be done by touches or crumbling dashes of rather dry color, with other colors afterwards put cunningly into the interstices. The more you practice this, when the subject evidently calls for it, the more your eye will enjoy the higher qualities of color. The process is, in fact, the carrying out of the principle of separate colors to the utmost possible refinement: using atoms of color in juxtaposition, instead of large spaces." For striking examples of results to be attained by this method see Monet's series of "Poplar Trees" and "Haystacks in Sunlight"; observe the darkened edges of the trunks and leaves where the highest light pours around them, and note also the quality of paint by which that light is arrived at, and particularly study the shadows cast by those leaves, trees and stacks. All this must surely come as a revelation to most people, even to professional artists. Never have Ruskin's theories been more convincingly put into practice than by Monet's practice, and never has pioneer artist's practice been so triumphantly vindicated and confirmed as by Lumière's scientific demonstrations in color photography. I am compelled to cease my analogies here, but the student who will trouble to dig into "The Elements of Drawing" will discover how, in the matter of composition, of touch, of tree drawing, and the rendering of sea and sky, Rus Readers who are interested will find many collections of Impressionist pictures readily accessible in Paris (as, in lesser degree, they will find them in every great art gallery throughout the world). The principal Parisian collections which I recall to mind are the following (there are very many others, some perhaps even more important than the majority here listed): The Count Comando, Baron Hy. de Rothschild, Monsieur DurandRuel, of 16 Rue Laffitte and owner of the comprehensive Rue-de-Rome collection, Georges Viau, M. Waldeck-Rousseau, M.M. Bernheim et Fils, of the Avenue de l'Opéra; the Caillebotte legacy of the Luxembourg Gallery (by no means the best, even of the earlier co lections but historic illy interesting); and, lastly, the 110st recent and most magnificent gift ever received by the Rouen Art Gallery, namely that of the late Monsieur Dupeaux., The Contemporary Review. kin's theories form the very foundation of impressionist painting; and no better origin can be desired. To sum up and rebut much irresponsible criticism. An impressionist picture worthy the title is highly finished -for that which is completed is finished. It is definite as the solution of a problem of Euclid. It is so full of knowledge that only people of culti vated taste can fully appreciate its merit. It is subtle, refined and of infinite resource. It is a vital art. It is a cheerful, optimistic picture, nobly uplifting, good and healthy to live with-a veritable antidote to the blues. Indeed, so charming is it that throughout a lifetime's association it retains its power of evoking pleasurable emotion. It never palls. One is attracted by its freedom and freshness, for at a single glance one perceives the art to be the outcome of a joyful spirit, untrammelled by fetters of tradition or the theories of scholiasts. Finally, we have in impressionist pictures an unconventional rendering of Nature. We almost feel the vibration and palpitation of light and heat; they are fresh, radiant and sweet as a nosegay of spring flowers, and give a marvellously deceptive appearance of open air and movement which must be seen to be believed. The cult of sun-worship, of joy in sparkling color, of pure health-giving open-air art must, sooner or later, predominate in England as it already predominates throughout the world. The mission of Impressionism is to depict beauty that elevates, light that cheers. It may be said that we are all impressionists now. Certainly of art students, the future directors of taste, that is a fact, for practically all those who take up landscape painting as their life's work follow with admiration the route laid out in such peril and privation by the great pioneers of impressionist painting. All honor to them! Wynford Dewhurst. “THE NEW ERA IN HUNGARY." Hungary is witnessing the dawn of a new era. As a Hungarian living in England, I think it may interest the British reader to hear from an unbiased source the scope and the significance of this new era. To understand fully the present situation we have to look back to the recent history of Hungarian politics. After the conclusion of the compromise between Austria and Hungary in 1867, a strong "dualistic" party-the Liberal party-took in hand the reins of government of Hungary. The leader of this party, Koloman de Tisza, ruled over Parliament for fifteen years. His successors followed in his footsteps, and the Liberal régime saw thirty years of power. In 1905 a swing of the pendulum swept the Liberal party away. It seemed as if it had been annihilated. Instead of the Liberal party with its overwhelming majority in Parliament, several other parties came to the front. The hitherto small group of Independents, whose creed is that of the Revolution of 1848, viz., the severance from . Austria and the creation of an Independent Hungary under the rule of the Habsburgs, became a party to be reckoned with. Another party was that of the adherents to the compromise of 1867, the "Constitutional Party," and another the "Clerical Party," also adherents to the union with Austria. None of these parties were strong enough to play a leading rôle, and the King, who would only entrust the government to a party which stands on the basis of the compromise with Austria, had to resort to expedients, which, however, proved unsuccessful. Crisis followed crisis, Parliament was dissolved by military force, endless negotiations between the Crown and political groups led to no result. Mean time the government has been carried on in an unconstitutional way, namely, without a Cabinet having its root in Parliament, the Exchequer having no Budget-in one word, that state of affairs prevailed which is called in Hungary "ex-lex." In April 1906 there was a change for the better. Between the Crown and the parties a compromise was effected, and the different parties having agreed to a working arrangement, the Coalition Cabinet came into power. This Coalition Ministry led by Dr. Wekerle, Francis Kossuth, and Count Andrássy accepted office on the understanding that the demands of Hungary relating to the Army-the main cause of an endless crisis-were to be shelved. Though these were the terms of the understanding between Crown and Coalition, there was an inclination to believe that the Independence party, with its absolute majority in the Coalition Government and in Parliament, would be able to stamp the new Administration with an "anti-dualistic" tendency of its own. These beliefs were not realized. The Coalition was unable to carry out any reforms tending towards the economic separation of Hungary from Austria, one of the main points of the Independent programme. The Independent party was anxious to make a stride in this direction, and seized the opportunity of the expiration of the Charter of the Austro-Hungarian Bank of issue, as an opportune moment for the creation of a separate Hungarian State Bank. This question, affecting, as it does, the principles of "dualism," provoked discord in the ranks of the Coalition, for the "sixty-seven" parties, especially the Constitutional party, as a staunch supporter of the compromise of 1867, opposed it. Dissension broke out in the ranks of the Independence party itself; the foremost champion of the immediate establishment of an. independent Hungarian Bank of issue, Mr. de Justh, conspiring against his leader, Francis Kossuth, hoisted his own flag and split the Independence party in two. This new ultra-Independence party, with some 140 followers, threw down the gauntlet, and by means of a violent campaign for month after month paralyzed the activity of Parliament. Count Andrássy, Francis Kossuth, and his more moderate supporters were unable to save the situation and the Coalition Government was plunged into a protracted crisis, and though for a time it still remained in power, yet the course of disintegration became more and more evident. A state of "ex-lex" again ensued, and a new conflict with the Crown was imminent. Numerous attempts were made to form a Cabinet, but they remained unsuccessful, as there was no reliable majority to support it. The Coalition had lost credit with the Sovereign and with the country alike. The Government formed from its ranks was, however, unable to leave its post, while there seemed to be no prospect of a new Executive. It seemed as if the seven-year crisis had absorbed the whole supply of Hungarian statesmen. Wekerle, Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrássy, had fallen; the attempts to entrust the premiership to Ladislas Lukács and Count John Zichy failed; there seemed to be no way out of a chaos which was reaching its climax. At this juncture, in the middle of January 1910, Count Khuen-Héderváry accepted office as Premier, on a strictly dualistic basis. This statesman, who during his long tenure of the Governorship of Croatia has given ample proofs of eminent administrative qualities, and of unswerving loyalty to the dynasty, was also known to be an unflinching supporter of the compro LIVING AGE. VOL. LI. 2666 mise (Ausgleich) of 1867. He has had, too, some experience as a parliamentarian, owing to the fact that some fifteen years ago, after the great crisis in connection with the clerical reforms, as a confidential man of the Crown he was premier designate; again later, in 1903, after the fall of Kálmán de Széll, at the time of a serious crisis raging concerning the military questions, he was for a few months Prime Minister of Hungary. This time Count Héderváry again took office at a critical moment. His first object was to restore order in Parliament and to start it to work, in order to re-establish the finances and the administration of the State to their normal constitutional condition. At the same time, he aimed at the re-establishment of good relations between the Crown and the country, between Hungary and Austria, thus consolidating afresh the principles of dualism, which were threatening to collapse. And finally, he wished to place the Dual Monarchy on a firm baIsis as a great Power. The new Prime Minister began his work by making an endeavor to obtain a majority in the existing Parliament, elected under the régime of the Coalition. He could achieve only a partial success. The Catholic People's party looked upon him as an ultra-Liberal, and showed no inclination to join him at the cost of renouncing their political creed. John Zichy, who was subsequently appointed Minister of Public Instruction, succeeded in bringing one-half of the Constitutional party into the ranks of the followers of the Premier, whilst the other half, following their leader Count Andrássy, did not accept either the military reforms proposed, or the whole political programme of the new Cabinet, and consequently remained passive, joining neither the Government nor the Opposition. In the Lower House itself, Count Khuen-Héderváry repeatedly endeavored to prevail upon Count the House to vote a Budget, so as to avoid an "ex-lex" state. He was not only unsuccessful, but the Radical Independents, who had up to that time entertained hopes, that the King would entrust them to form a Government under the control of a "sixty-seven" politician like Mr. de Lukács, or Count John Zichy, when totally disillusioned, became so exasperated, that they delivered an attack in Parliament against Count Khuen-Héderváry and his fellow Ministers, bombarding them with inkThis incident pots and other missiles. It aroused indignation, not only amongst the cooler-headed parties in the Opposition, but also in the country, and thus sealed the fate of this Parliament. had long been ripe for dissolution, and it only survived through the internal weakness of the Wekerle-Kossuth Cabinet. Count Khuen-Héderváry did not hesitate to dissolve a Parliament, which showed no inclination to work, and appealed to the country. The general elections were held in June 1910, and Count Héderváry obtained a large majority. The "National Work" party has been constituted, its very name indicating that the party meant to work in Parliament. The members of this new party were recruited partly from the ranks of the once powerful Liberal party. Count Stephen Tisza, a worthy son of the former great leader of the Liberals, Koloman de Tisza, gave Count Héderváry very valuable support during the electioneering campaign. A considerable number of the adherents of the "Constitutional party" also joined the new party, and Count John Zichy, a politician of great authority with the Catholics, and a persona grata with the King and the Crown Prince Francis Ferdinand, has, by joining the new Cabinet, greatly strengthened the Premier's position. The victory at the polls was also facilitated owing to the sympathy of public opinion being alien ated from the Coalition, mainly through the agitation which Mr. de Justh, who wrecked the large Independence party, carried on with everincreasing violence in favor of the Independent Hungarian Bank. con So the Coalition has been shattered to pieces. It came into power four years ago amid an excess of national enthusiasm, but its loose organization soon began to tell. It was clear that with its undermining internal strife it is impossible to do continued structive work. Indeed, the elements constituting the Coalition were too heterogeneous. The mainstay of the Coalition, the Independence party, had obtained in 1906 a majority, by indulging in catchwords of political radicalism, but when once in power, they were obliged to shelve their "fortyeight" aspirations and revert to a "sixty-seven" basis. If there is any proof of the practically indestructible vitality of the "sixty-seven" programme, and the unsuitability of the "forty-eight" principles, as a basis for government in a dynastic country like Hungary, it is this reversion of the Independents to the principles professed by the "sixtyseven" parties. While in office, Mr. de Kossuth himself, although when addressing the people or his fellow Independents, he emphasized his adherence to the "forty-eight" policy, was at the same time compelled to confess that in practical politics, in the possession of the Executive, there is no other alternative but to follow the line of possibilities, and that the "sixty-seven" dualistic basis, so highly respected by the Crown, cannot, and in the interest of the State ought not to, be weakened. It is this very reason which brought the great bulk of the "fortyeight" electors to the conclusion, that the principles of the Independent party exclude those who profess them from being entrusted with the national government. This conviction struck deeper and deeper amongst the masses during the closing months of the Coalition régime, as a result of the destructive character of the agitation in favor of an Independent Bank, that led to a complete stagnation of parliamentary activity. This was the "psychological moment" which Count Khuen-Héderváry, with the intuitive foresight of a statesman, grasped, and which prompted him to enter the electioneering campaign at the right moment. An analysis of the results of the last polls gives a clue to the change of public opinion in Hungary. At the elections of 1901 under Kálmán de Széll, of 754,702 votes polled, 558,158 (that is, 77.7 per cent. of the whole) were recorded for "sixty-seven" candidates. At the elections held under Count Stephen Tisza in 1905, out of 800,982 votes polled, only 500,105 (63 per cent.) were obtained by "sixty-seven" candidates, and of these no more than 297,941 were recorded for candidates put up by the Liberal party. At the elections conducted by the Coalition Government in 1906, the proportion of "sixty-seven" votes was still further re duced. Out of 839,830 votes polled, only 316,165 (37.7 per cent.) were secured by "sixty-seven" candidates. And the result achieved by Count Khuen-Héderváry at the elections last June was, that out of 847,512 votes recorded, 555,988 (65.6 per cent.) were polled by "sixty-seven" candidates, a considerably larger proportion than that secured by the "forty-eight" candidates in 1906. This is a clear proof that public opinion has been alienated from the “forty-eight” policy, for which as recently as 1906 no fewer than 520,026 votes (61.9 per cent.) were polled, while last June only 33.4 per cent. (282,791) of the total number of votes fell in favor of "forty-eight" candidates. The electorate of the country gave its sanction to Count KhuenHéderváry's chief objects, namely, the re-establishment of good relations between the Crown and Hungary, and by strengthening the "sixty-seven" principles, to eliminate the ever-recurring constitutional conflicts, which seriously threatened the time-proved policy of "dualism." The approval of the electorate of these is of weighty sig→ nificance. When Count Khuen-Héderváry entered Parliament last July with his large majority, he at once set to work to carry into effect the main points of his political scheme. The activity of the legislative body was restored, thus the country was saved from the disastrous state of "ex-lex," the finances and administration of the country having been promptly put in working order again. The Opposition, leaving their bag and baggage behind at the election contests, was reduced to disunited fractions without physical or morat force to enable them to make a stand against the Government. During the debate on the Address they made a faint show of displaying some energy, reproaching the Government with having obtained its majority by illegal means. The Government, however, proved conclusively that, although some excesses might have happened on the Government side, such as will hap pen in the heat of any contest, the Opposition themselves were none too discriminating in the choice of their measures, and that a considerable number of civil servants agitated and voted openly against the Government candidates. After the debate on the Address was concluded, other urgent questions were settled, and in the space of a few weeks the provisional Budget and the Army Bill, granting the supply of recruts, were voted. The Opposition was compelled to bow before the superiority of the Government majority and the verdict of the electorate. Although the immediate objects of the Government have thus been accom |