tants per mile average, and even in the Republic not many over thirty, and all free for sale or purchase without any general restrictive law, taxes in all cases assessed according to value, whether town, city, urban or agricultural land, and whether fallow or under cultivation. Britain cannot follow entirely the example of her children in legislating upon the land question, conditions being different. Denmark seems to point the way to her for the solution of that problem. It is, however, significant that Australia already levies progressive taxation upon land holding, and charges non-residents higher rates than residents. It is obvious that just as the masses grow in intelligence (and the school systems ensure this) they will demand in all lands and obtain a fairer distribution of the comforts, rights, and privileges of their day; especially is this true of men of our own race in the old home, who have before them the rights already enjoyed by their fellows in the other lands of their race. What the people of Canada, Australia, and America have to-day, the Britons will soon demand and obtain. Nor must we of the newer lands fail to remember how much beyond all that our fellow-men have now, they must, by a law of their being, steadily demand and obtain, especially a more equal distribution of wealth. under Adam Smith's law that citizens must contribute to the expenses of the State "according to their ability to pay." We even in the new lands labor under no delusion in this matter; while the condition of the masses is infinitely better under the colonial system than under the British, there is to be no rest in the march of progress with us towards greater uniformity of material conditions. Political rights in the Republic and the Colonies all already enjoy; one man's privilege every man's right. This is perfect and cannot be improved upon; it is final, because any change would produce inequality, the foe of democracy. No citizen of Republic, Dominion, or Commonwealth is denied equality under the law, his vote weighs as much as the millionaire's. His religion enjoys equality with all others. As child of his parents he shares equally under the law with his brothers and sisters. His rank is equal with others. Equality of citizenship is the foundation of a democratic State, and until this is reached in the old home rest is impossible. It should therefore be matter of serious consideration with all parties in the old home whether the lamentable condition of affairs as shown is to be permitted to differentiate more and more the Colonies and the Republic from the old Motherland, which seems unwise in retaining so many unjust measures, contrary to the spirit of the age, which tends to draw people together, not to divide them into classes. Elections in the new lands occur at stated times, and in all cases for fixed terms of service; thus in the Republic' members of the House serve for two years, the two State Senators for six, but these draw lots at the first election after a State is admitted into the Union, for a short or long term, two years or six; thus one-third of the senators have to appeal to the State legislatures for re-election every two years, and are thus kept amenable to public sentiment. All States vote upon the same day, and the presidential election occurring every second State election only requires an additional ballot to be cast. The result, unless unusually close, is known before the crowds retire, by midnight and generally earlier, even although between six and seven millions of votes are cast. The fixed term of service gives the nation a respite between contests, and the party in power sufficient time to produce results, regardless of passing gusts of passion. This feature is commended to the attention of the old home, where the leaders in Parliament resemble so many performers balancing themselves on the tight rope, liable at any moment to fall, the nation absorbed looking on. As no other English-speaking people follow the British but all follow the American plan, it may well be worth while for the old home seriously to consider the subject. There remains another American institution which every British land has adopted, always excepting, of course, the dear old-fashioned mother. This is the Federal system, which Bryce pronounces the greatest contribution the Republic has made to the political world. The Republic now has fortyseven States, each with its own State legislature-not congress, please note, for this distinction is important. There is only one Congress, and that is over all, and it will be well for Britain to note this fact when she adopts devolution, for there is much in the name "Legislatures" for the parts, and in the word "Parliament," being supreme, sacred, and reserved for the whole. How surprising, how strange it is for one to sit in the House of Commons, attracted as the writer was by an expected debate upon a question of international importance, only to find that the sewerage of a Midland city had precedence. It was said of the Nasmyth hammer when invented that it could forge anything from a pin to an anchor. So it seems to be with Parliament, but we never heard of the hammer being devoted to the trifling work of pin-forging. It was reserved for tasks worthy of it. So should the Mother of Parliaments be reserved for national and international problems worthy of her powers. Canada, Australia, the Transvaal have here all followed the example, not of the monarchy but of the Republic, and all enjoy the fruits of the American Federal system. Since these have been promised to Ireland, it seems highly probable that the opportunity will be embraced to extend the same to England, Scotland, and Wales, thus bringing the whole English-speaking race under the Federal system. The closest government of the parts we find makes the strongest government of the whole, i.e. local resident people are the best governors of local affairs. This general divergence of all her offspring in political conditions from those of the old home makes the Motherland appear to the onlooker a hen with ducks for chickens, spending her energies loudly cackling on the shore while her adventurous brood breasts the waves. The propensity which the stay-at-home Briton has so far shown for adhering to ancient laws has compelled her hardy sons abroad to look for guidance to Britain's first-born. the Republic, which has hewn her way to pre-eminence in political development, keeping up with the times, and not afraid to march forward. An illustration of this British trait of aversion to change was until recently found in the tenacity with which British manufacturers held to old-fashioned machinery. When the United States broke all records in steel-making. her reported results were discredited. but after an interval one leading company engaged an American engineer to remodel their works and practice, and in due time others followed. In shipbuilding the same result ensued. We are informed that not one shipyard in Britain exists to-day which does not use American tools. Imagine a manufacturer who boasted to-day that he used the same tools his father did. Machinery that is old is prima facie evidence that it needs reconstruction and improvement, or should be discarded, and equally so with political institutions which are bound to improve or become useless. The proud boast of the Briton is that his parliamentary system is centuries old, his not a written constitution as modern constitutions are in new lands, but handed down from precedent to precedent. When, however, the strain of modern conditions recently came to bear upon it, alas! the rickety old machine was found unequal to its work, and to-day, in order to meet the emergency, there is already in Parliament a written document which is without precedent, awaiting acceptance, very modern indeed and up to date, making sure record of the coming change. Nothing stands still, all moves forward in human society; that which has been, better than that which was, and that to come better than what exists to-day, constitutions not excepted. There is never a time in which one or more of the State constitutions in America are not being "improved," all constitutional changes, however, being submitted to a vote of the people. We have seen that the antiquated institutions of the old home have compelled her sons abroad to follow the example of Britain's first-born, the American Republic, and now a constitutional crisis has arisen in the old home, created by the irrepressible conflict between the old and new political ideas-Elective v. Hereditary Chambers of Legislation; Equality of the Citizen v. Hereditary Rank; Church of a Sect v. Equality of all Sects. Fortunately, the grand old mother finds as of yore that she has worthy patriotic sons true to the sacred trust reposed in them, able and resolved to guide her in treading the true path of ordered political development, drawing her nearer and nearer to the standard attained by her worthy children who know nothing of hereditary privilege, or primogeniture and entail, religious preference, or inequality of citizenship. None need fear the result; there will be no violence, no law-breaking-all will be peacefully adjusted, the rich saving common sense of the race will secure strict adherence to law. The grand old Motherland, God bless her, is to renew her youth and add triumphs worthy of those of her glorious past, when she led the world in establishing the germs of constitutional government of the people, for the people and by the people, which her children in other lands have so successfully developed. Thus steadily, from this time forth, the dear old Mother and her children are to draw closer together in their political institutions, until our entire English-speaking race enjoy the blessings flowing from government founded upon the equality of the citizen, one man's privilege every man's right. A March 24, 1911.-Reading this proof to-day all seems so trifling, so unimportant, that the writer hesitates to send it for publication. Since it was begun, a bugle blast has blown which has startled the civilized world. year ago we stood in the venerable Guildhall, London, and revealed to a crowded audience what President Taft has since dared to proclaim-viz., all international disputes should be submitted to arbitration, questions of honor, territory, money, or anything else. Never did bugle blast affect the writer as that message did, upon reading it at the Grand Canyon, ArizonaNature's grandest wonder. He immediately wrote to the bold President, hailing him as the foremost leader in the greatest of all causes, predicting that if he adhered heroically to this standard, and won, he would be the greatest ruler of men known to history, since no man can be credited with so sublime a world triumph as the expulsion from earth of brutal war, "the foulest fiend ever loosed from hell." To read of the fervid conversion of Sir Edward Grey-usually so calm and self-poised; of Mr. Balfour-Conservative leader-breaking irresistibly forth, revealing that in this holy cause he was no partisan, but a patriot, declaring that from no quarter would President Taft receive warmer support; of Mr. Redmond following in the same lofty strain; of the Archbishop of Canterbury from his lofty pedestal calling a meeting in Albert Hall and inviting prominent members of all sects to join with him in a service for what had come to pass; Canada and Australasia joining in the chorus of approval; to read every morning added proof that at last the dear old Homeland had been stirred to the heart, and that partisans, drawn together by the majesty of the cause, had united as patriots vying with each other in their devotion to the cause of blessed peace soon to prevail, when war (international) will be banished as duelling (private war) has been from within the wide boundaries of our race-all this caused the writer, wondering whether he was not dreamThe Nineteenth Century and After. ing, to ask himself, "Can such things be and overcome us like a summer cloud without our special wonder?” Daily the cable added new proofs that our race in every land had felt the impress of a mighty power, lifting it into the higher regions where visions of the coming day are seen, when men "shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks," and learn war no more, our own Republic grandly responding. Should the writer be spared to see his native and adopted lands-Motherland and Wifeland-united hand in hand, never again to part, but ever to stand shoulder to shoulder leading the world in all that elevates man, human life will possess for him a charm unknown before, creating within him sweet grateful happiness for the blessing which makes earth to him a heaven, yea, almost leading him to murmur with bowed head, "Now let thy servant depart in peace." Andrew Carnegie. THE RISING CRIME-RATE. Nothing is more likely than that there will be more crimes committed in this country during the present year than during any previous period of twelve months. There will also be less complaint from the suffering-public. The list of offences against society and the law will be swollen chiefly by thefts and burglaries accomplished with careful intention and by wellpractised system rather than by misdeeds of the savage and vulgar kind arising from bad instincts, degenerate natures, and uncontrollable excesses of passionate feeling, in which class are to be included bodily injuries maliciously inflicted by men upon men and women, manslaughter. and murder. Probably the proportionate increase of these crimes will be greater in London than in other parts of the kingdom. Such predictions may be made with a very good confidence by those who are well acquainted with some of the circumstances and tendencies of the time in regard to criminal affairs and the attitude of the general public towards them. It was shown in a blue-book that was issued recently that the number of persons who were tried for indictable offences in the year 1909 was nearly seventy thousand, which exceeded any previous year except the one immediately before it, when there were about a thousand more. The figures for last year are not yet available; but in the light of the circumstances and tendencies which have been referred to one should be prepared for another very probable increase-a record. Trade depression and shortage of work for the humbler classes are not enough to account for the growth of these criminal statistics; indeed, it is doubtful whether they should be allowed as the reason for any part whatever of the increase, since such conditions of trade and labor tend only to the committing of comparatively minor, and in a sense more excusable, offences such as the stealing of food and clothing needed for immediate use; and in a large proportion of cases there is a reluctance on the part of the sufferers either through their sense of compassion or their desire not to be inconvenienced any further with a business which generally cannot be mended, and had therefore better be ended as quickly as possible-to prosecute. It is held also that the rising crime-rate is not due to an increase of habitual and regularly professional criminals. It is simply that criminality of a more or less casual kind has been more prevalent in the community; but of course, in the processes of time and habit, many of the offenders in these cases must develop into regular criminals. The prophecy of a substantial increase during the present year is based partly on the general tendency towards increase as shown in the figures which have been published, and partly upon the fact that this year is to be one of great excitement, disturbance from the normal state of life, more numerous and prolonged absences of people from their homes, and a greater laxity of precautions for the safety of their belongings. This is because of the Coronation, which will bring the people from the country to London as nothing else has done since the Coronation of the late King. The crowning of the monarch, and all the attendant ceremonies, celebrations, and displays, make the spectacle of a lifetime; and, happening as they do when London is at its best and brightest, they constitute a reason for coming up to town for a visit of a few days or weeks which is appreciably stronger than the reasons afforded in other seasons. Months ago, when the winter was only just begun, there were indications in London that a larger crowd of visitors was expected and was being prepared for than ever before. Apartments were even then being engaged very extensively for the summer months; and so noticeable was the demand in this respect that large numbers of people of a speculative disposition, particularly middle-aged and elderly ladies of the spinster and widow varieties, determined upon becoming temporary boarding-house keepers, and prospected about the suburbs, making seductive offers to private householders to take their furnished places from them for periods of from three to six months at rentals considerably higher than are generally obtained. London is more attractive as a showplace and a holiday resort in these present times than it has ever been before; and it is a circumstance that is becoming well understood and appreciated by the people outside, who realize that this year it must be most particularly attractive. Getting about the town is an easier, cheaper, and quicker matter than it used to be in days not long gone by, and the result is that more can be seen and done in a given space of time, and at less cost. Then there is more to see and more to do, and the attractions are better fitted to modern moods and tastes than was once the case. The change in some respects may not be altogether for the better; but it is certain that the proportion of visitors who are happiest in doing a round of calls at Westminster |