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The horizontal lines in the above map show the territory which the Powers are reported to have offered to Montenegro and Servia if Skutari is given up. The little squares show the territory demanded by Montenegro

Acting on Austria's determined initiative, the Powers sent the following demand to the Montenegrin Government last week:

We have the honor to declare, collectively, to the Royal Government of Montenegro that the taking of the fortress of Skutari does not in any way modify the decision of the European Powers relative to the delimitation of the frontiers of northern and northeastern Albania, and consequently the city of Skutari must be evacuated with the briefest possible delay, and must be handed over to the European Powers represented by the commandants of the international naval forces lying before the Montenegrin coast. The Royal Government of Montenegro is invited to give a prompt reply to this communication.

justice have demanded of Greece that she surrender the fortress of Janina, captured by her, and which in southern Albania occupies a position corresponding to Skutari in northern Albania. "Immorality" feebly describes the conduct of Austria in demanding that Skutari be given up; and "flabbiness "but feebly expresses the attitude of the Powers in capitulating to her. The demand of the Powers is thus a means to placate Austrian ambition to have the new capital of Albania located as near as possible to her. At the same time, a highwayman is sometimes able to offer what seems an adequate offset to the spoils which he wants to grab; and in this case, as will be seen in the accompanying map, the Powers have offered to Montenegro and Servia a territory twice as large as Montenegro itself and containing at least three important towns, Ipek, Jakova, and Prisrend. however, is only a palliative. The incidents. in Russia and four Austrian provinces reported by us last week show that the Skutari incident has awakened a force far greater than any one European nation, and that is the racial power of the Slavs.

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The Montenegrins protested against "this unjust and cruel demand," and once more asked the Powers "to examine in an equitable manner the vital question of Montenegro's future, and to place that nation on an equal footing with the other Balkan Allies." While not consenting to yield Skutari, the Montenegrin Government suggested that, "with the greatest deference for the Powers, it reserves the right of bringing up the question of Skutari in the course of the final peace negotiations, when the Albanian boundary will be settled by the Allies and the Powers." It is, of course, earnestly to be hoped that this boundary line may be settled without war. But the Powers might with equal

The New British Ambassador

This,

Few men have had a wider diplomatic expe rience, or have a more sympathetic insight into the needs of the different nations of mankind, than the new British Ambassador. He has served in China, in Turkey, in Russia, and in the United States. He was promoted to his present post from Sweden. Everywhere he has made himself the understanding friend of the people with whom he has been associated. It is not unfair to say that this attitude of his has been peculiarly marked in Sweden and the United States. Probably few men, not themselves of Swedish birth or origin. have the intimate acquaintance with and admiration of the great men and the great deeds of Swedish history that Sir Cecil Spring-Rice has. The Swedes of to-day, with their strength and their charm, the Sweden that sends forth her travelers, like Sven Hedin, across the unknown countries of the roof of the world, and her explorers in the Northern and the Southern hemispheres; the Swedes whose naturalists have ever upheld the tradition of the great Linnæus, the founder of modern botany, appeal to Sir Cecil precisely as do the mighty warriors and warrior statesmen who from the days of Gustavus Vasa to

the days of Charles the Twelfth made Sweden one of the great and masterful empire-builders of Europe. The same qualities that have given Sir Cecil his close and intimate knowledge of Sweden and his peculiar touch with the Swedish people have given him a quality of sympathetic insight into American character such as few men not Americans by birth have. He is a man of very wide and very deep cultivation, but of curiously simple democracy, not merely socially but intellectually. By inheritance and by practice he is a man who judges other men absolutely on their merits as men, who is quite incapable of any feeling of arrogance toward others himself or of more than a good-humored tolerance of arrogance in others. It is no secret that some of the most prominent British statesmen who have dealt with Eastern affairs have owed most of their intimate knowledge of such affairs to Sir Cecil, and he has a peculiar understanding of the great world forces that tell for division and union not only as between civilized nations but as between civilized and the less civilized races of mankind. Yet with this knowledge goes an intimate understanding of the play of social and industrial forces within the great civilized industrial nations themselves, a play so absorbing to the people within each nation as to tend to make them forget the no less absorbing play between that nation and others.

Secretary Daniels on Journalism

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Josephus Daniels is not only Secretary of the Navy but is, and long has been, one of the best known of American newspaper editors. He is the proprietor of the News and Observer" of Raleigh, North Carolina-one of the leading newspapers of the South. In a recent speech before the Associated Press and the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, Mr. Daniels set forth in brief compass an ideal for the newspaper man which we wish that all newspaper men would follow. That a great many of them do follow it we believe, though it is plain that a large number regard their work as a New York editor, one of the originators of yellow journalism, once described it-a manufacturing process of taking white paper, putting it through a machine called a printingpress, and transforming it into a commercial product people want to buy. These are Mr. Daniels's words: "The man who enters journalism with the mixed motive of doing

good and getting rich may become both a publisher and a writer, but he will never become a journalist. He can't, any more than a man can become a great surgeon who always has his eye on the size of his fee. As the surgeon is utterly oblivious to the thought of compensation while trying to save life, just so the real journalist must enter upon his profession with the desire to serve as his consuming passion." It is a good standard Secretary Daniels has set before us all, whatever our occupations

People who are sufferers themWarning! selves, or have friends who are sufferers, from tuberculosis are now in special need of warning. The announcement that Dr. F. F. Friedmann has made an arrangement by which his so-called serum or vaccine for tuberculosis is to be manufactured in some thirty-six States and sold within those States should raise no hopes. So far the medical profession at large has not been informed whether this preparation is a serum or a vaccine. In other words, no one has been told publicly just what the nature of this preparation is. No results are yet known on which conclusions regarding its efficacy can be based. Whether there is any private knowledge on the subject or not it is impossible to discover. Dr. Friedmann has administered this preparation in a considerable number of cases in this country, but the time that has elapsed has been but a few weeks. No sure results can be known before the lapse of months, or even years. If there are any cases which have been under observation for years after the administration of this preparation, no announcement of the results has been made. Dr. Friedmann has obtained through the newspapers a great deal of publicity, and as a consequence people know about him as well as if his claims had been made the subject of a nation-wide advertising campaign. Without waiting for any report by competent authorities upon this so-called cure, a drug firm has entered into a contract, so it is reported, for its disposal by sale. We have no means of knowing whether there is the slightest merit in this preparation or not. No one has any means of knowing whether the effect of the serum or vaccine might not be actually injurious. Whether the drug firm that has bought the right to dispose of this preparation knows anything about it, no one is informed. Of

course, as a commercial venture, from the point of view of mere profits, it is not necessary for the firm to know anything about its merits. The amount of free advertising that the preparation has already received is enough to make an investment in it as a commercial speculation rather attractive, even at considerable cost. If Dr. Friedmann's method of treatment is genuine he could at once dispe all suspicion by following the practice that accords with sound medical ethics and open his laboratory method and his records as to tests from beginnning to end to the scrutiny of medical experts. Until he does that, and until the results are known, there is every reason for bidding those who are seeking relief from this scourge of tuberculosis to beware.

A Commencement that Inspires

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Hampton Institute, unlike most other schools and colleges, holds its graduation exercises in the latter part of April. Week before last a member of The Outlook's staff was again fortunate enough to be numbered among the guests of that great school, founded by General Armstrong, for the education of Indian and Negro boys and girls. A perennial inspiration is this Hampton Commencement. It is a living refutation of the idea that the artist, the humanitarian, and the practical man of business can find no ground of common understanding. Something of its appeal can be suggested by the remarks of two recent visitors seeing for the first time the graduation exercises of the Institute. On the platform a young colored man, deft-fingered and clear and distinct of speech, was delivering his "thesis." For readers unfamiliar with Hampton's methods who may be puzzled to know what fingers have to do with a thesis, it should be added that the young man was at the same time constructing and describing the frame of a model hip-roof. "Oh," said one visitor, “if Wendell Phillips could see this!" Yes," replied his friend, " and if John Ruskin could be here with him!" The thesis completed, it was at once put to practical test by being jumped on by the author and his collaborator. It is to be questioned how many academic orations could stand the equivalent of this drastic putting-to-the-proof. Other candidates for diplomas, accompanying their action with a running commentary at once interesting and concise, showed how to make a bed, cook oatmeal, and lay a brick wall. But,

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after all, the skill they displayed was of secondary interest to the spirit with which they worked. It is truly hard to realize all that Hampton has accomplished in the fiftyfive years of its existence. Like the embodiment of all ideas, the onlooker sees the accomplished fact, and very little of the struggle that has brought that fact into concrete existence. Something of the magnitude of Hampton's heroic undertaking is brought home to the visitor when he turns from such a Commencement programme as we have described to listen to the organ-like chorus of over half a thousand Negro men and women lifted in the sweeping measures of the old freedom song:

"Before I'd be a slave

I'd be lying in my grave

And go to my Lord and be free!"

The Red Cross and the Floods

The American Red Cross has sent forty-five agents into the field of the recent floods, and is also aiding sufferers from the cyclones in Alabama and Nebraska. Some two hundred Red Cross nurses have also been at work caring for the sick and aiding to prevent the spread of disease. In this connection our readers should know that the Red Cross already had nearly four thousand trained nurses enrolled in its lists; hence, with a hundred and ten local committees, there was an instant mobilization of trained nurse forces as soon as the news of the floods reached the headquarters at Washington. It was a satisfaction to feel that, for the first time in the history of American disasters, as many nurses could be put into active duty as were required. The Red Cross has received about $1,750,000 for the special flood work. The sending out of receipts alone for this amount was no small labor. There is always the matter of administration, consultation, etc., to be done in a little room in the War Department. It would be a godsend to the Red Cross if Congress could appropriate funds for a site and building for the Red Cross headquarters, to which the Loyal Legion has been ready to give $300,000 additional. The Loyal Legion offered its donation on condition that Congress would give a suitable site. A bill appropriating $400,000 recently passed the Senate without opposition, and the House Committee submitted a unanimously favorable report on it to the House of Represent

atives. Opposition, however, arose because the permanent headquarters of the American Red Cross were to be in a memorial to the loyal women of the Civil War. It was argued that the Confederate women were just as brave, devoted, and self-sacrificing as the women of the North, and that, anyway, no memorial should perpetuate sectional feeling. It was proposed that the word "loyal" be eliminated and that the building be a memo rial to all the Civil War women; but the Loyal Legion gift was conditioned upon retaining the word "loyal." Whether in the way proposed by the Loyal Legion, or in another way, the American Red Cross should be appropriately housed. Under its new administration, in less than eight years the public has shown its confidence in this work by giving over ten million dollars to it-and not one penny of this has come from any Government appropriation.

"Tap Day"

Undergraduate traditions, just as long as they are taken with a grain of salt and observed with a becoming sense of proportion, are undoubtedly wholesome things. They lend an air of permanency to the short-lived student bodythey borrow from the past the dignity of the unknown and give to the future a comforting basis of established fact. Occasionally, however, traditions become master of their creators. It is the tradition of West Point that "plebs "should be hazed, a tradition which is frequently interred with appropriate ceremonies, but which seems, unfortunately, to have more lives than the proverbial cat. It is a tradition at Harvard that the "Clubs" are not subjects for printed comment—a tradition partly exploded by an editor of the "Harvard Crimson," who, backed by undergraduate opinion, recently caused the disbandment of a pernicious Freshman organization. At Yale, self-confessedly the most democratic of American universities, there has grown up about three Senior societies an aristocratic tradition, finding its perfect flower in the celebration of Tap Day. that august occasion, in the presence of throngs of curious outsiders, anxious friends, and excited undergraduates, the Juniors of the academic department are divided, socially speaking, into sheep and goats, the "successes" and the "failures of their class. The exaggerated importance given to this ceremony, this public display of a social dis

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tinction that has come to bear an increasingly remote relation to actual merit, has been well described by a character in Owen Johnson's "Stover at Yale :"

The harm is that this mumbo-jumbo, fee-fi-fofum, high-cockalorum business is taken seriously. When a boy comes here to Yale, or any other American college, and gets the flummery in his system, believes in it-surrenders to itso that he trembles in the shadow of a tomblike building, doesn't dare to look at a pin that stares him in the face, is afraid to pronounce the holy sacred names; when he's got to that point, he has ceased to think, and no amount of college life is going to revive him.

If to the outsider this event has much the appearance of a farce, to its victims it is a very real tragedy.

What the Sophomores Ask

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With courage, equally real, one hundred and fifty members of the Sophomore class at Yale have banded themselves together for the purpose of forcing these Senior societies to take some definite step towards the amelioration of present conditions. Their protest, in part, follows:

We believe that the best contributions a man can bring with him to college are his imagination, his critical faculties, and his individual ideas. The conditions at present are oppressive; they stifle spontaneity; they engender hypocrisy, and they create unnatural and strained relations, with a resultant tendency to undermine existing friendships.

All this may be attributed directly to excessive secrecy, a secrecy greatly magnified by the extreme and inconsistent publicity of Tap Day. This latter institution is not only an unnecessary and sensational display, giving undue advertisement to the societies themselves, but also over-emphasizes the distinction between those who are chosen and those who are not. Moreover, the secrecy which this publicity makes doubly evident immediately places the Senior societies still more conspicuously before the undergraduate mind, resulting in a tendency to overrate the Senior social system, making it an end, not a means.

It has been asserted that secrecy is essential in upholding a proper respect for the societies; we maintain that if the societies cannot command respect, with or without secrecy, purely through the esteem which people have for their members, they have not then chosen men most deserving of the societies.

We believe that there should be a recognition of merit, not on the basis of actual accomplishments alone, but to a large degree on the basis of what men have attempted to do, and on the revelation in that attempt of qualities of character and of personality. We believe that the forty-five men who have so gained the esteem and respect of their classmates and represent to that class the highest ideals of Yale should be

elected without undue regard to family influence or personal interests.

In consequence of the above considerations we suggest that secrecy be reduced to a reasonable privacy; that Tap Day as it now exists be abolished, and that the greatest care in the choice of men as outlined above be exercised. We hope that these suggestions will be considered in the impersonal spirit in which they are offered.

Such a document as this is an extremely significant comment on what conditions at Yale have been in the past, a distinctly encouraging sign for the future, and a very great credit to the broad and public-spirited outlook of its authors.

Dr. Andrew Sloan

Andrew Sloan Draper Draper, who died in Albany last week, exercised a larger influence on the life of the Nation than some men of wider newspaper reputation. He was a great educational executive, and to educate is more important than to govern, since to train men wisely for self-government is more important than to govern them untrained; and in a democracy to educate the plain people for life is more important than to educate a cultured class. Dr. Draper, therefore, did well when, in 1904, he resigned the presidency of one of the largest and most influential universities in the land, the University of Illinois, to become the Commissioner of Education in one of the most populous States of the Union, the State of New York. The double-headed and somewhat chaotic school system of the State was at that time reorganized, and, if we mistake not, that reorganization was effected, with the aid of Dr. Draper's counsel, before he was elected as its head by the State Legislature. Dr. Draper possessed a rare combination of qualities-high educational ideals, great force of character, and the patience to go no faster in the realization of his ideals than he could carry with him the people of the State. Under his leadership the whole school system has been unified, better educational standards have been established, the teaching force has been improved in quality, school libraries have been developed, and the whole State school system has moved toward the realization of his ideal-a great popular educational university. Much remains to be done before this ideal will be realized, but we do not know where to look for a better statement in equally brief compass of what the public school system of free States should be than in the following paragraph from an

address delivered by Dr. Draper in December, 1910:

Education that has life and enters into life; education that makes a living and makes life worth living; education that can use English to express itself; education that does not assume that a doctor must be an educated man and that a mechanic or a farmer cannot be; education that appeals to the masses, that makes better citizens and a greater State; education that supports the imperial position of the State and inspires education in all of the States-that is the education that concerns New York.

It devolves upon the Board of Regents, which is the educational legislature of the State, to elect Dr. Draper's successor. The Outlook hopes the Board will follow the example set when Dr. Draper was elected that it will look over the country for the ablest educational leader that can be found. In so doing it may well include in its search the South, which is fast taking a position of leadership in the new educational era of the Nation.

Has anybody heard recently The Practical from the city of Sumter, Short Ballot South Carolina? If so, we should like to know about it; for, in common with the rest of the country, we are deeply interested to hear how the "city manager plan" of that enterprising community is working. The Chamber of Commerce of Sumter has published a pamphlet which gives a brief but very readable account of the inception and the application of this original idea in municipal government. The Germans have successfully used it in the management of their cities. Lockport, New York, was the first American city to make an endeavor to govern a city by employing an expert manager; but the Lockport plan, although it excited plenty of discussion, never came to fruition. In 1912 the Legislature of South Carolina, with a wisdom which we wish some Northern State Legislatures would adopt, gave the city of Sumter and its ten thousand population the right to choose between the commission plan and the city manager plan of government. Under the commission plan there would have been three commissioners, one a mayor with a salary of twelve hundred dollars, and the other two councilmen with salaries of one thousand dollars each. Under the city manager plan there were to be three councilmen, one of them bearing the title of Mayor, who should receive nominal salaries, and who should not give up their own private business

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