many of these had been slight wounds from which recovery was speedy. In the House of Commons the debate on the war credits became a debate on conscription. In the House of Lords, September 15th, Lord Kitchener, while expressing his satisfaction at the "large increase in the number of heavy guns" which had been supplied, and reporting that 11 new divisions had been sent to occupy an additional 17 miles of the front in France, acknowledged that recruiting had recently declined, and anxious consideration was being given to the best means of securing recruits.

LABOR OPPOSITION TO CONSCRIPTION. While Parliament and the press in September seemed to incline towards compulsory military service as a solution for the recruiting problem, organized labor put itself on record as absolutely_opposed to any such scheme. On September 7th, the Trade Union Congress at Bristol resolved: "That we, the delegates to this Congress, representing nearly 3,000,000 organized workers, record our hearty appreciation of the magnificent response made to the call for volunteers to fight against the tyranny of militarism. We emphatically protest against the sinister efforts of a section of the reactionary press in formulating newspaper policies for party purposes and attempting to foist on this country conscription, which always proves a burden to the workers, and will divide the nation at a time when absolute unanimity is essential. . . . We believe that all the men necessary can, and will, be obtained through a voluntary system properly organized, and we heartily support and will give every aid to the government in their present efforts to secure the men necessary to prosecute the war to a successful issue." Something in the nature of a threat was conveyed in the words which Mr. J. H. Thomas, as the representative of the railway men, uttered in the House of Commons, September 16th-"The first day this principle (compulsory service) was introduced the government would have to deal, not with compulsory service, but perhaps unfortunately with industrial revolution." The British workingmen were engaged in a fight against German militarism: they did not want militarism introduced into Great Britain. The same confident belief that the voluntary system would and must suffice was expressed by a conference, September 30th, of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress, the Management Committee of the General Federation of Trade Unions, the Executive of the Labor Party, and members of the Parliamentary Labor Party. It was largely as a result of this obstinate opposition to conscription expressed by labor organizations, that Lord Derby's recruiting campaign was launched in October as the last and final effort of the government to maintain the army on a voluntary basis (see below, The Derby Recruiting Campaign).

THE BUDGET. The third budget since the beginning of the war, and the largest in the world's history, was presented to Parliament, September 21st, by the chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Reginald McKenna. He estimated that the army alone would cost £715,000,000 during the coming year; the navy would cost £190,000,000; advances to dominions and allies would amount to £423,000,000; food supplies, miscellaneous expenditures, and outstanding obligations would require £92,000,000; while for the ordinary ex

penses of government only £170,000,000 was demanded. The total expenditure would be £1,590,000,000. To furnish this stupendous sum, Mr. McKenna counted upon regular taxes to the amount of £272,110,000; new taxes to the amount of £30,924,000; postal changes to bring in £1,980,000; and loans to cover £1,285,000,000. By the end of March, 1916, Great Britain's public debt would reach the staggering figure of £2,200,000,000. The new taxes which Mr. McKenna proposed may be briefly summarized: (1) a 40 per cent increase of the income tax, with a lowering of the exemption from £160 to £130, so that persons earning £2 10s. a week would have to contribute, and so that the rate on an earned income of £200 a year would be £7, 38., 4d.; (2) an increase in the supertax on incomes over £8000, so that the possessor of an income of £100,000 would be taxed £34,000; (3) a 50 per cent tax on war-profits, which was expected to bring in £30,000,000; (4) duties increased 50 per cent on tea, tobacco, cocoa, coffee, and chicory, and 100 per cent on motor-spirit and patent medicine; (5) a new ad valorem duty of 33% per cent on imported motor-cars, motorcycles, cinema films, clocks, watches, musical instruments, plate glass, and hats; and (6) increases in the rates for post, telegraph, and telephone. It is worth noting that item 5 marked a step towards tariff reform. It is also significant that the army was now costing £115,000,000 more than Lloyd George had estimated in the spring.

THE RESIGNATION OF SIR EDWARD CARSON. On October 18th, Sir Edward Carson announced his intention of resigning his post as attorney-general in the cabinet. Two days later he explained the reason for his resignation as his inability to concur in the Balkan policy recently enunciated by Sir Edward Grey. Not until a month later did the public learn the details of the split. At the last War Committee meeting (a small committee of the cabinet had been selected to direct the war policy) before his resignation, it seemed, the decision had been taken that it was too late to send assistance to Serbia (consult WAR OF THE NATIONS, The Drive Through Serbia); as he had believed it to be both possible and necessary for Great Britain then to aid Serbia, Sir Edward had tendered his resignation. Later, he sarcastically added, when M. Millerand (French war secretary) "came over here with a view to inducing the government to change this policy" of non-assistance and when General Joffre himself urged it, Mr. Asquith had decided that assistance to Serbia would even then be opportune. In reply to Sir Edward Carson's implied criticism, Mr. Asquith stated, November 18th, that assistance had been sent to Serbia without the slightest delay.

CHURCHILL'S RESIGNATION. Less than month after Sir Edward Carson's resignation, the cabinet lost another member, Mr. Winston Spencer Churchill, who had quarreled with Lord Fisher in May, it will be recalled, and had been transferred from the important post of first lord of the admiralty in the old Liberal cabinet to the minor office of chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in the Coalition cabinet. Mr. Churchill's resignation was precipitated by the formation of a War Council or inner cabinet composed of Mr. Asquith, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Bonar Law, Mr. McKenna, and

Mr. Lloyd George. The premier had offered him a place in the War Council, Mr. Churchill admitted, but he had been unwilling to share in the general responsibility for the government's war policy without any personal share in its control. In a letter to Mr. Asquith dated November 11th, Mr. Churchill informed the prime minister of his resignation; in a speech before the House of Commons on November 15th he made a public and spirited defense of his conduct while in office. He had been criticized as personally responsible for (1) the destruction of Rear Admiral Craddock's fleet in the battle off Coronel, (2) the loss of the cruisers Cressy, Hogue, and Aboukir, (3) the disastrous failure of the expedition sent to relieve Antwerp, and (4) the Dardanelles fiasco. On all four points, Mr. Churchill's defense was vigorous and convincing. In regard to the Coronel battle, the Admiralty arrangements had been made with the full consent of naval experts, and were "probably the best that could have been made." The exposure of the three cruisers to the peril of submarines was not his mistake, and he was willing to have the Admiralty memoranda on the subject published, although "the papers might do injury to officers who are now serving and to others." (3) The Antwerp expedition had been undertaken without consulting him, and had originated with Lord Kitchener and the French government; he had taken an energetic part in perfecting arrange ments for it, but could not be held responsible; moreover, the expedition could not be called an unmitigated failure, for although it had not saved Antwerp, it had the effect of "causing the great battle to be fought on the line of the Yser instead of 20 or 30 miles further south." As for the Dardanelles campaign, it had been undertaken with the approbation of naval experts, but had not received the hearty and loyal support, after it had been begun, which the first sea lord, Lord Fisher, should have given it. Had the Dardanelles expedition been properly supported, Mr. Churchill believed it might have achieved a brilliant victory and vitally affected the issue of the war. (A detailed dis cussion of the expedition, and of Mr. Churchill's comments upon it, will be found under the WAR OF THE NATIONS.) Mr. Churchill was succeeded by Mr. Herbert L. Samuel, November 25th.

PARLIAMENT IN DECEMBER. In December the government introduced a bill to prolong the life of Parliament 12 months beyond its normal duration, until Jan. 31, 1917. To the principle of this very important departure from constitutional practice, which involved the question of whether sovereignty rested in Parliament or the electors, little objection was raised; considerable opposition was encountered, however, because the proposed extension of the mandate of the present Parliament would make it possible for the Plural Voting Bill, which had already been passed twice by the House of Commons and twice rejected by the House of Lords (see the 1914 YEAR BOOK, p. 324), to be passed a third time by the House of Commons and enacted under the provisions of the Parliament Act. In consequence of this opposition, Mr. Asquith found it necessary to propose, as a compromise, that the prolongation of Parliament's life be made for 8 instead of for 12 months. In December Parliament was informed

Y. B.-10

that as an object lesson to the nation, the members of the cabinet had decided to reduce their own salaries. A rumor, of prime importance if true, but probably without foundation, was given great prominence in the press towards the close of the year, that Sir Edward Carson was endeavoring to form a new group in the House of Commons, to pursue a more vigorous and a more clearly defined policy in the prosecution of the war to a successful conclusion.

THE DERBY RECRUITING CAMPAIGN. The close of the year was made memorable by a great campaign for recruits, conducted under the direction of Lord Derby. The Derby campaign, begun in October and continued into the middle of December, was the final effort of the government to find a method of securing a sufficient number of recruits for the army without forcing compulsory military service upon the unwilling workingmen. With blue cards containing names copied from the National Register, soldiers and civilians made a personal canvass of the men who had not enlisted. In order that the "slackers" who refused to volunteer might be made more ignominiously conspicuous, armbands of khaki were to be given (1) to men who had enlisted and were waiting to join the colors, (2) to men who were willing but physically unfit to serve in the army, and (3) to soldiers incapacitated for further service. Each class was to be distinguished by a different type of armband. To stimulate patriotism, King George issued an appeal to the nation calling for volunteers. The men who hesitated were warned that if the voluntary system failed, compulsion would be introduced. The premier publicly announced that if the unmarried men held back, he would use compulsory methods to bring them forward, before he would ask the married men to go to the front. At the conclusion of the Derby campaign in the middle of December, before any definite announcement of the results was made, the fact was already patent that, in spite of entreaties and warnings, a very considerable number of the single men had not come forward; consequently the British press urgently and insistently called upon Mr. Asquith to make good his "pledge to the married men," by introducing a conscription bill. Later in December while the result of the Derby campaign was still a matter of speculation, Parliament was asked to authorize an increase of the maximum strength of the army from 3,000,000 to 4,000,000. Great Britain, Mr. Asquith on this occasion announced, was maintaining 1,250,000 men in the field; and since about 15 per cent of the men were lost or disabled every month, at least 2,250,000 men must be kept in reserve to maintain the field army at its actual strength during the year 1916. The army increase was voted before Parliament adjourned for the Christmas holidays, but not before the Irish Nationalists and the Laborites had found occasion to declare that they would oppose any resort to compulsory military service. As a result of the Derby campaign, official reports stated, 1,150,000 bachelors and 1,679,263 married men had presented themselves; 428,853 of these volunteers had been rejected as physically unfit, and many more would be unavailable for military service. Lord Derby estimated the net yield of his campaign at 831,062 men, including 215,431 actually enlisted and 615,631 available men "attested" for future service. Over 1,000,

000 bachelors and a slightly larger number of married men had refused to enroll themselves; to be sure, 827,878 of these "slackers" were "starred" men, who could not be spared from industry, but 651,160 unmarried men who had not responded to Lord Derby's call, it was estimated, would be available if they could be induced to volunteer. The demand of the National Service advocates was that these 651,160 irresponsible bachelors be compelled to enlist. The question was destined to be finally decided when Parliament resumed its sittings, beginning Jan. 4, 1916. Press reports at the very close of December indicated that although the government was determined to introduce compulsory service for unmarried men, the ministry was badly divided and certain members of the cabinet, notably Sir John Simon and Mr. Arthur Henderson, had decided to offer their resignations.

SPIES AND SUSPECTS. Numerous German spies were detected in treasonable activities during the year. One of the most notorious cases was that of Anton Kuepferle, a self-confessed German soldier, who committed suicide in prison, May 20th, rather than submit to the humiliation of public execution. Two other spies, F. R. Muller and Hahn, were arrested with Kuepferle, and one of them, Muller, was executed in the Tower June 23rd. On July 15th a naval spy, Robert Rosenthal, was executed. A number of spies, whose names were not divulged, were also executed after trial by courtmartial. One alleged spy, Gustav Triest, a freshman at Princeton University, was acquitted and released, November 19th. As a result of the activity of spies, and in consequence of the violent popular excitement caused by German Zeppelin raids and submarine exploits, a veritable panic of anti-German sentiment swept over the British public. Anti-German riots were of frequent occurrence until the Germans resident in England were interned in concentration camps. After the sinking of the Lusitania the names of the German Emperor, the Crown Prince, and other German and Austrian royalities were ordered stricken from the list of Knights of the Garter. Sir Edgar Speyer, in consequence of the accusations of disloyalty which were popularly brought against him, was constrained to resign his office of privy councilor. Sir Ernest Cassel, likewise of German birth, felt it incumbent upon himself to issue a public declaration of his unabated loyalty to Great Britain. Even Lord Haldane, who had rendered the country such conspicuous services as a statesman, was regarded with sus picion. See also INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND ARBITRATION; HARDIE, JAMES KEIR; UNITED STATES AND THE WAR; and WAR OF THE NATIONS.

GREECE. A constitutional European monarchy, situated between the Ionian and Egean seas. It consists of 26 nomes, or departments, besides Crete and the new Turkish cession. The capital is Athens.

AREA AND POPULATION. The area previous to the Balkan wars was given at 64,657 square kilometers (24,964 square miles), with a population in 1907 of 2,631,952. The area, population (1907), and density of the 26 nomes, and also of Crete, together with figures of the new Turkish cession are given in the following table:

Besides Crete, with an area of 8618 square kilometers, the area acquired from Turkey includes the insular districts of Lesbos, Samos, and Chios, the estimated area of which is 4018 square kilometers, and, on the mainland, the districts of Salonica, Kozani, Florina, Serres, Drama, Janina, and Prevesa, aggregating about 42,760 square kilometers. The principal towns with their 1907 population, follow: Athens, 167,479; Piræus, 71,506; Patras, 37,724; Corfu, 27,397; Volo, 23,563; Larissa, 18,041; Trikkala, 17,809; Hermoupolis, 17,773; Pyrgos, 13,690; Zante, 13,580; Kalamata, 13,123; Chalcis, 10,958; Tripolitsa, 10,789; Laurion, 10,007. Approximate population of the principal towns in the territory ceded by Turkey: Salonica, 158,000; Candia, or Iraklion (Crete), 25,000; Canea (Crete), 24,200; Kavala, 23,400; Serres, 18,700; Janina, 16,800; Drama, 12,900.

INDUSTRIES. Agriculture is the principal industry, though the methods are antiquated; the chief crops are currants, grapes, cereals, tobacco, citrus fruits, olives, and figs. The area of old Greece under cultivation is given at about 5,563,000 acres 1,112,000 under cereals, 1,200,000 fallow, 2,025,400 under forests. There are in addition 5,000,000 acres under pasture. The principal crop is currants, with an annual average yield of 150,000 tons, which far exceeds the export; the surplus is utilized in the manufacture of denatured alcohol. The law limiting the output has resulted in the uprooting of many large plantations. The cereals grown are wheat, barley, rye, corn, and maslin. The output of currants in 1913 was 160,000 tons; olives, 50,000,000 okes (1 oke equals 2.85 pounds); wheat, 12,593 bushels; tobacco (1912), 86,355 hundredweights, and in the new territories 274,000 hundredweights; figs (1912), 240,000 hundredweights; grapes (1912), 140,551,000 okes. Currant crop (1910-11), 262,500,000 pounds, of which 225,130,412 pounds were exported.

Live stock, as reported for 1914: horses, 149,000; mules, 79,500; asses, 132,800; cattle, 300,

000; sheep, 3,546,600; goats, 2,638,000; swine, 227,200. Sericulture is carried on.

The output of the principal minerals produced is reported as follows for 1912 and 1913 respectively: iron, 431,632 and 423,569 tons; manganese iron, 14,311 and 21,477; iron pyrites, 29,767 and 26,285; lead, 27,347 and 24,918; nickel, 15,111 and 16,416; zinc, 30,570 and 25,862; magnesite, 62,995 and 52,502; chromite, 6310 and 6930; emery, 8268 and 5649. Some of these outputs are considerably below the amounts produced before the Balkan wars. Mining concessions cover a total of about 20, 000 acres.

COMMERCE. Import and export values are stated as follows, in thousands of drachmas (the par value of the drachma is 19.295 cents):

donia, where only a few main lines absolutely necessary had been built. The scheme of construction proposed was two lines with a length of 60 miles for Crete, while five lines were to be built in Macedonia, with a total length of 320 miles, the most important of which was the Calambaka-Sarowitz line, 100 miles in length. This last not only was to run through a country entirely devoid of modern transportation facilities, but possessed great strategical importance, as it would enable troops to be concentrated on the northern frontiers. During 1915 20 heavy (2-8-2) locomotives were built by the American Locomotive Company in the United States for the Greek government railways. For other data concerning railroads, and for mileage of telegraph lines, etc., see 1914 YEAR BOOK.

FINANCE. The total revenue for the year 1911 amounted to 136,277,463 drachmas, and the expenditure to 135,094,473. The budget for 1912 estimated the revenue at 144,118,645 drachmas and the expenditure at 143,326,520. Estimated revenue for 1913, 201,162,000 drachmas; penditure, 253,957,000. The gold debt amounted, Dec. 31, 1912, to 833,581,000 and the paper to 150,009,565 drachmas.

ex

NAVY. The fleet included (July, 1913) 4 ironclads, 1 modern cruiser, 14 destroyers, 4 corvettes, 13 torpedo boats, 2 submarines, and miscellaneous minor craft. The Salamis,

1,525

316

2,667

90

54

1,292

2,639

10,110,240

144,571,070

203 2,823

33,084

As will be seen, Great Britain is the leading country of origin and destination. In the 1911 trade, she contributed imports valued at 40,580,000 drachmas, and received exports to the amount of 33,777,000 drachmas; Russia, 34, 449,000 and 2,601,000; Austria-Hungary, 23,721,000 and 13,520,000; Bulgaria, 14,146,000 and 360,000; Germany, 13,336,000 and 16,364,000; France, 10,438,000 and 13,733,000. In 1913 the export of currants was valued at 40,663,000 drachmas; tobacco, 19,616,000; olive oil, 15,317,000; wine, 12,510,000. The trade of Crete for 1911 was valued at 21,359,000 drachmas imports and 15,631,000 exports.

COMMUNICATIONS. Railways (1912), 1609 kilometers. Previous to the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912, lines from Leontari to Gythion (70 miles) and from Olympia to near Leontari (23 miles) were under construction. The Gravia to Volo line to the Gulf of Corinth was also under way. In 1915 the railway system of Greece in its extent of line open to traffic, included about 950 miles in the so-called "Old Kingdom," or territory occupied by Greece before the conclusion of the second Balkan war, while the new provinces contributed a further 1720 miles. Notwithstanding the hostile conditions, an extensive programme of new lines was drawn up in the early part of the year to develop the country which the Turks had left entirely without railway facilities, especially in Epirus and Crete, and to a less extent in Mace

15,468 launched 1914, has a displacement of 19,500 tons; its principal armament is eight 14-inch guns and 12 6-inch guns; torpedo tubes, 5; horsepower, 40,000; maximum speed, 23 knots. In the summer of 1914 the Greek navy was strengthened by the battleships Mississippi and Idaho, purchased from the United States, and renamed Lemnos and Kilkis. These are sister ships, laid down by the Cramps (Philadelphia), May 12, 1904, and commissioned, one Feb. 1, and the other April 1, 1908. The Mississippi was built at a total cost of $5,832,801, and the Idaho $5,892,821. Their displacement is 13,000 tons; mean draft, 24 feet 8 inches; speed, 17 knots; main armament, 4 12-inch and 8 7-inch guns.

is

GOVERNMENT. The executive authority vested in the King, who is assisted by a responsible ministry. The legislative body consists of a single Chamber of 316 members, elected by manhood suffrage. The reigning King, Constantine I, succeeded to the throne upon the assassination (March 18, 1913) of his father, George I, son of Christian IX of Denmark, who was elected King by the Greek National Assembly in 1863. Heir-apparent, Prince George, born July 19, 1890. Constantine married, Oct. 27, 1889, Sophia, Princess of Prussia, sister to the German Kaiser.

HISTORY

THE QUESTION OF GREEK NEUTRALITY. The vexed question whether Greece should intervene

in the great European war completely overshadowed all other issues in Greek politics during the year 1915. The successive cabinet crises through which Greece passed, and the informa tion subsequently divulged by M. Venizelos, made it patent that the indecision of the Greek government was in large part due to the fact that while on one hand the party of M. Venizelos, which controlled the majority of the Greek Parliament, was ardently in favor of the Entente and eager to enter the war in the hope of acquir. ing territory, the King, on the other hand, with the support of the German-trained army officers, and with the approval of a considerable element of the people, was stubbornly determined not to join forces with the Entente. King Constantine's refusal to intervene in the war was perhaps partly ascribable to the influence of his wife, Queen Sophia, a sister of the German Emperor; doubtless also the admiration for German military methods to which he had frequently given outspoken expression before the war (for example, consult the YEAR BOOK for 1913, p. 292) now made him extremely reluctant to hazard his own army in a struggle against the Central Powers, especially since the Entente armies had given no convincing proof as yet of their ability to win the war.

THE FIRST RESIGNATION OF PREMIER VENIZELOS. The conflict between the policy of the King and the policy of the cabinet was clearly revealed by the resignation of M. Venizelos in March, 1915. Up to that time, although nego tiations for a new Balkan alliance had been rumored, comparatively little information had been vouchsafed the public in respect of the secret negotiations by which the Entente Powers were endeavoring to enlist the active coöperation of Greece against Turkey. The most important statements of policy by M. Venizelos, as head of the Greek government, had been declarations of neutrality. When the Austro-Hungarian armies invading Serbia had taken Belgrade, and the Entente Powers had inquired whether Greece considered herself bound to aid Serbia under the terms of the Serbo-Greek treaty of 1913, Venizelos had affirmed the decision of the Greek government to remain neutral. Just before the Christmas holidays (Old Style), when during the course of the budget debates an Opposition leader, M. Theotokis, had pointed to the recent loan advance of 20,000,000 francs accepted from France as a violation of Greek neutrality, M. Venizelos had again declared that the neutrality of Greece was inviolate. The Anglo-French attack on the Dardanelles forced Greece to reconsider her neutrality. As it afterwards appeared, the Triple Entente was willing to pay a high price for Greek participation in the campaign, and Premier Venizelos of Greece was quite willing to make the bargain. Rumors of an impending decision aroused the liveliest excitement in Greece during the first week of March. Four former premiers of Greece, Theotokis, Ralli, Mavromichalis, and Dragoumis, were called to the palace to consult with the King and the prime minister in a formal Crown Council. Unable to obtain the approval of the King for his policy of intervention, M. Venizelos handed in the resignation of his cabinet, March 6th. M. Zaimis, former Cretan high commissioner, who was recommended by Venizelos as the best man to head a new cabinet, declined to accept the responsibility. Then the King turned

to M. Gounaris, who had been minister of finance in the Theotokis cabinet of 1908. M. Gounaris succeeded in forming a cabinet, March 9th, in which the portfolios were distributed as follows: Premier and minister of war, Gounaris; foreign minister, Christakis Zographos; communications, Baltadjis; instruction, Vozikis; finance, Protopapadakis; interior, Triantafillakos; national economy, Eutaxias; justice, Isaldaris; marine, Stratas. The declaration of policy issued by the new cabinet, March 10th, contained the significant statement that Greece should "seek the satisfaction of her interests" without "compromising the integrity of her territory." The government officially implied that the outgoing premier had been willing to surrender a portion of Greek territory to Bulgaria, the most bitter foe and rival of Greece. Indignant, and anxious to justify himself before the country, M. Venizelos now made interesting revelations. In an interview with the Corriere della Sera March 16th, he admitted that when the Anglo-French operations at the Dardanelles were first undertaken, he had advocated sending Greek troops to aid the Allies, in response to the informal invitation of the Entente Powers. In return, he hoped to gain the vilayet of Smyrna for Greece. This proposal, he asserted, the Crown Council had been too faint-hearted to accept, since it feared that Greece would be exposed to invasion by land. On March 31st M. Venizelos addressed a letter to the foreign minister (M. Zographos), asking the government to deny that the Venizelos cabinet had planned to alienate a portion of Greek territory. Instead of the desired démenti, the King sent a letter to M. Venizelos, maintaining that he, M. Venizelos, had, as a matter of fact, proposed the cession of Sari Shaban, Drama, and Kavala in order to bribe Bulgaria to join the Entente Powers in conjunction with Greece. This allegation Venizelos indignantly denied; he had only proposed certain frontier rectifications to be effected only after the conclusion of the war, when Greece would obtain ample compensation-about 140,000 square kilometers in Asia Minor. To substantiate his statements, M. Venizelos published a memorandum which he had submitted to King Constantine on January 24th, communicating the British offer of territory in Asia Minor in return for Greek aid. Greece was asked also to withdraw any objections which she might have to the cession of part of Serbian Macedonia by Serbia to Bulgaria. In his memorandum, M. Venizelos argued that Greece might as a last resort give up Kavala in order to obtain the very desirable ends in viewSmyrna, reconciliation with Bulgaria, and the aid of Bulgaria and Rumania in creating a Greater Greece and in warding off the AustroGerman peril. The King, however, had refused to regard the Bulgarian question seriously, and had instructed Venizelos to enter into negotiations with Rumania, disregarding Bulgaria. A second memorandum, which had been submitted to the King on January 30th, was published by M. Venizelos, April 4th. In this document M. Venizelos set forth the contention that inasmuch as Rumania was reluctant to join with Greece and Serbia unless Bulgaria were included in the new Balkan alliance, it would be criminally short-sighted on the part of the Greek government to balk at the cession of Drama, Kavala, and Sari Shaban—only 2000 square kilometers