speech accused Mr. Webster of sleeping upon his first. 'The mere matter of fact," said Mr. W. in his reply, 'is undoubtedly true. I did sleep on the gentleman's speech and slept soundly; and I slept equally well on his speech of yesterday to which I am now replying." In truth, Col. Hayne's attack, furious as it was, had cost him neither loss of appetite, temper or sleep."

success.

It is not to be disguised, however, that his friends,—even his most intimate,-entertained fearful apprehensions. Mr. Webster's adversaries had selected their own time for attack, and made every preparation they thought necessary to ensure They were confident in their numbers, confident from their position and individual importance, and confident in the strength of their cause. There is always something, too, of advantage in assuming the aggressive; courage suggests, and virtuous anticipations await an attack: while a defensive position is seemingly an acknowledgment of weakness.

The momentous interests involved in the discussion staggered the minds of many. The pernicious heresy of nullification, tolerated if not encouraged in the high places of the Administration, threatened the constitution and the union of the States. It had already gained in different sections of the country too great a prevalence; and if now successfully advocated in the Senate of the United States, little hope could be entertained of safety or of more than brief duration for our national institutions.

The friends, therefore, of the Union, no less than Mr. Web

ster's personal friends, could not but feel the deepest solicitude in the result of the controversy; a solicitude amounting at times almost to despondency. They could hardly believe that it was in the power of one man, no matter how great his endowments, to roll back the strong current that seemed likely to overwhelm the ancient landmarks. All portents looked gloomy, they thought; darkness and danger were everywhere around them, and they saw no means of emerging from their great peril but with great loss and discomfiture.

The night, therefore, came down gloomily and heavily upon them. They had no pastimes and little sleep that night, and rose in the early morning, unrefreshed and anxious; determined, however, with one mind, to resort in good season to the Capitol.

CHAPTER VI.

WHEN Cineas returned from his mission to Rome, he was asked by his master Pyrrhus, how the Roman Senate appeared. "Like an assembly of kings," he replied.

The Senate of the United States twenty years ago may not have presented the grave and majestic character of the Roman Senate. Our Senators wore not the flowing robes, nor still more flowing beards of the CoNSCRIPT FATHERS. But it was composed of men who could have understood Cicero as well as the audience he addressed, and replied to him better; of men, too, not inferior, in physical organization, or intellectual expression, to any Senate Rome ever boasted.

Where, among the most Patrician blood of Rome, could have been found more intellectual majesty than in the countenances of Webster and Calhoun, more dignity than in their bearing, more honor than in their character, or more grandeur than in their eloquence? In whatever assembly placed, they would have given to it unrivalled distinction.

Nor were they the sole persons of eminent ability, or distinguished mien, in the Senate. There were others only less remarkable for both. The thoughtful eye and expansive

brow of Woodbury, the refined, gentlemanly, and expressive countenance of Forsyth, the gallant air and intellectual features of Hayne, the somewhat supercilious but determined bearing of Benton, the tall form and marked expression of Bell, the well-defined and rather majestic lineaments of Clayton-these characteristics, with those of other Senators no less distinguished, could not fail to convey to the spectator the impression of great intellectual and moral superiority. It was an assembly to be a member of which might have satisfied the most high-reaching ambition. It was an assembly the aggregate ability of which, for the number of its members, has probably never been surpassed, if equalled, in any representative body of the world.

The very character of the Senate made its members more eager to distinguish themselves in it. "Alexander fights when he has kings for his competitors." Rivalry, always natural to the heart, became more emulous, more earnest, more intense, with such a field for its encouragement and exhibition; when men were judges of the intellectual strife, who could themselves have taken an equal part in it, had occasion demanded.

It was not alone the combined strength of the administration party in the Senate Mr. Webster had to fear. He could not but be in doubt respecting his political allies. The character of the minority at this time was somewhat anomalous. It was composed of Federalists of the old school, who had ad

hered to the younger Adams, notwithstanding his gross tergiversations; of those Republicans, who, in the preceding canvass, from personal or local rather than from political considerations, had preferred Mr. Adams to his competitor; and of "National Republicans" so called—a party formed indifferently of the two others. To make an argument which should satisfy all without offending either of these classes seemed a task difficult to be accomplished.

Fortunately for the country and his own fame, his doubts, on the subject, were removed. His warmest friends urged with great eagerness upon him an unequivocal, unreserved declaration of his views. None were more trusted, nor esteemed by him, than SAMUEL BELL, then a Senator from New Hampshire. Originally a Federalist, he had gone over to the Republican party, early on the accession of Jefferson, and had supported his administration zealously and efficiently. He had advocated and defended the war with Great Britain, and all other measures of the Republican party up to the Presidential canvass of 1824. On that occasion, as well as four years later, without any violence, as he supposed, to his political principles or antecedents, he had favored the pretensions of Mr. Adams. From his history, character, and general knowledge of persons and measures, he was perhaps the best exponent of the intentions and sentiments of the somewhat mottled party, opposed to the administration of General Jackson.

So at least Mr. Webster thought; and on the morning of