Deum again sung; and went to his lodging prepared in the Bishop of London's palace, where he stayed for a time.

During his abode there, he assembled his counsel' and other principal persons, in presence of whom he did renew again his promise to marry with the Lady Elizabeth. This he did the rather, because having at his coming out of Brittaine given artificially for serving of his own turn some hopes, in case he obtained the kingdom, to marry Anne, inheritress to the duchy of Brittaine, whom Charles the Eighth of France soon after married, it bred some doubt and suspicion amongst divers that he was not sincere, or at least not fixed, in going on with the match of England so much desired: which conceit also, though it were but talk and discourse, did much afflict the poor Lady Elizabeth herself. But howsoever he both truly intended it, and desired also it should be so believed (the better to extinguish envy and contradiction to his other purposes), yet was he resolved in himself not to proceed to the consummation thereof, till his coronation and a Parliament were past. The one, lest a joint coronation of himself and his Queen might give any countenance of participation of title; the other, lest in the entailing of the crown to himself, which he hoped to obtain by Parliament, the votes of the Parliament might any ways reflect upon her.

About this time in autumn, towards the end of September, there began and reigned in the city and other parts of the kingdom a disease then new2: which by the accidents and manner thereof they called the sweating-sickness. This disease had a swift course, both in the sick body and in the time and period of the lasting thereof.3 For they that were taken with it, upon four-and-twenty hours, escaping were

In the edition of 1622 this word is in this place spelt counsell: in other places it is spelt councell; which is almost always the spelling of the MS. According to modern usage it would of course be spelt here council. But the modern distinction between council and counsel, councillor and counsellor, was not observed in Bacon's time; at least not marked in the spelling. Some wrote both words with an s; some both with a c; some either with either. But the rule by which the several forms of the word are appropriated to its several meanings, counsel being used for advice, counsellor for a person who gives advice, council for a board of counsellors, councillor for a member of such board, this rule was not yet established; and as it sometimes happens that the point or effect of the sentence depends upon the ambiguity, and is lost by marking the distinction, I have thought it better to retain the same form in all cases: and I have chosen that form which represents in modern orthography the original word.

Morbus quidam epidemicus, tunc temporis novus; cui ex naturâ et symptomatibus ejus, &c.

Tum in morbi ipsius crisi, quam in tempore durationis ipsius. VOL. VI.

D

thought almost assured. And as to the time of the malice and reign of the disease ere it ceased, it began about the one and twentieth of September, and cleared up before the end of October; insomuch as it was no hinderance to the King's coronation, which was the last of October; nor (which was more) to the holding of the Parliament, which began but seven days after. It was a pestilent fever, but as it seemeth not seated in the veins or humours; for that there followed no carbuncle, no purple or livid spots', or the like, the mass of the body being not tainted; only a malign vapour flew to the heart, and seized the vital spirits; which stirred nature to strive to send it forth by an extreme sweat. And it appeared by experience that this disease was rather a surprise of nature, than obstinate to remedies, if it were in time looked unto. For if the patient were kept in an equal temper, both for clothes, fire, and drink moderately warm, with temperate cordials, whereby nature's work were neither irritated by heat nor turned back by cold, he commonly recovered. But infinite persons died suddenly of it, before the manner of the cure and attendance was known. It was conceived not to be an epidemic disease, but to proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the air, gathered by the predispositions of seasons3; and the speedy cessation declared as much.

On Simon and Jude's Even the King dined with Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal: and from Lambeth went by land over the bridge to the Tower, where the morrow after he made twelve knights-bannerets. But for creations, he dispensed them with a sparing hand. For notwithstanding a field so lately fought and a coronation so near at hand, he only created three: Jasper Earl of Pembroke (the King's uncle) was created Duke of Bedford; Thomas the Lord Stanley (the King's father-in-law) Earl of Derby; and Edward Courtney Earl of Devon; though the king had then

The Latin translation adds non pustulæ.

'The word epidemic is mentioned by Sir T. Meautys as one of the verbal corrections made by the King in the original MS. This part of the MS. is unluckily lost; we cannot therefore ascertain whether this be the place where that word was introduced, or what the word was for which it was substituted. Bacon's meaning however is fully explained in the Latin translation, in which it has already been described as an epidemic disease. Opinio erat morbum istum neutiquam ex epidemicis illis qui simul contagiosi sunt et de corpore in corpus fluunt fuisse: sed a malignitate quadam in ipso aere, &c. Using the words in their modern sense, we should say that it was thought not to be a contagious but an epidemic disease.

The translation adds "and frequent and unhealthy changes of weather."

nevertheless a purpose in himself to make more in time of Parliament; bearing a wise and decent respect to distribute his creations, some to honour his coronation, and some his Parliament.

The coronation followed two days after, upon the thirtieth day of October in the year of our Lord 1485. At which time Innocent the Eighth was Pope of Rome; Frederick the Third Emperor of Almain; and Maximilian his son newly chosen King of the Romans; Charles the Eighth King of France; Ferdinando and Isabella Kings of Spain; and James the Third King of Scotland: with all of which kings and states the King was at that time in good peace and amity.' At which day also (as if the crown upon his head had put perils into his thoughts) he did institute for the better security of his person a band of fifty archers under a captain to attend him, by the name of Yeomen-of-his-Guard: and yet that it might be thought to be rather a matter of dignity, after the imitation of that he had known abroad, than any matter of diffidence appropriate to his own case, he made it to be understood for an ordinance not temporary, but to hold in succession for ever after.

The seventh of November the King held his Parliament at Westminster, which he had summoned immediately after his coming to London. His ends in calling a Parliament (and that so speedily) were chiefly three. First, to procure the crown to be entailed upon himself. Next to have the attainders of all his party (which were in no small number) reversed, and all acts of hostility by them done in his quarrel remitted and discharged; and on the other side, to attaint2 by Parliament the heads and principals of his enemies. The third, to calm and quiet the fears of the rest of that party by a general pardon3; not being ignorant in how great danger a King

There seems to have been a doubt at first how he stood with regard to Scotland; for on the 25th of September, 1485, commissions were issued to the Sheriffs of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Yorkshire, and Nottingham, "to hold in array the men of those counties in readiness for an anticipated invasion of the Scots," &c. See Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1 Hen. VII. Rolls Chapel.

In the original it is spelt "attaine;" probably a misprint.

This is explained in the translation to mean such a general pardon as was usual after a Parliament. Ut inferioris conditionis homines qui Richardo adhæserant (ne forte novis motibus materiam præberet) remissionem generalem, qualis in fine comitiorum a rege emanare solet, consequerentur. The nature of this general pardon is further explained in the Index vocabulorum appended to the translation. It is defined, indulgentia Regis, qua et crimina omnia (exceptis quæ in instrumento remissionis speciatim recen

stands from his subjects, when most of his subjects are conscious in themselves that they stand in his danger. Unto these three special motives of a Parliament was added, that he as a prudent and moderate prince made this judgment, that it was fit for him to haste to let his people see that he meant to govern by law, howsoever he came in by the sword; and fit also to reclaim them to know him for their King, whom they had so lately talked of as an enemy or banished man. For that which concerned the entailing of the crown (more than that he was true to his own will, that he would not endure any mention of the Lady Elizabeth, no not in the nature of special entail'), he carried it otherwise with great wisdom and measure. For he did not press to have the act penned by way of declaration or recognition of right; as on the other side he avoided to have it by new law or ordinance; but chose rather a kind of middle way, by way of establishment, and that under covert and indifferent words3; that the inheritance of the crown should rest, remain, and abide in the King, etc.: which words might equally be applied, That the crown should continue to him*; but whether as having former right to it (which was doubtful), or having it then in fact and possession (which no man denied), was left fair to interpretation either way. And again for the limitation of the entail, he did not press it to go farther than to himself and to the heirs of his body, not speaking of his right heirs; but leaving that to the law to decide; so as the entail might seem rather a personal favour to him and

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sentur) et mulctæ, aliæque solutiones Regi debitæ, abolentur. And it is added that it may proceed either from the King alone or from the King and Parliament. Illa quandoque a Rege solo emanat, quandoque a Rege addita auctoritate Parliamenti. seems that Henry's first intention was to take the latter method; but that he changed his mind. See p. 39.

In the MS. the sentence stood originally thus,-"that they stand in danger from him." The alteration (which I think is no improvement) is not in the transcriber's hand nor in Bacon's; but apparently in the same in which the direction with regard to the omitted passage in the next page is written. I suppose it was one of the verbal corrections dictated by the King.

From this place to the middle of page 42. I have corrected the text from the MS. The leaves which preceded are lost.

2 Imo nec quod minimum erat permittens, ut liberi ex eâ suscepti primi ante omnes succederent.

3 Verbis tectis et utrinque nutantibus.

The meaning is more accurately expressed in the Latin translation: Quæ verba in utrumque sensum truhi poterant; illud commune habentia, ut scilicet corona in eo stabiliretur; sed utrum, &c. The words might be taken two ways; but either way they must be taken as establishing the crown upon him.

5 Omissá hæredum generalium mentione, sed illud legis decisioni, qualis ex verbis antedictis elici poterat, subjiciebat.

his children, than a total disinherison to the house of York. And in this form was the law drawn and passed. Which statute he procured to be confirmed by the Pope's Bull the year following, with mention nevertheless (by way of recital) of his other titles both of descent and conquest. So as

now the wreath of three was made a wreath of five. For to the three first titles, of the two houses or lines and conquest, were added two more; the authorities Parliamentary and Papal.

The King likewise in the reversal of the attainders of his partakers, and discharging them of all offences incident to his service and succour, had his will; and acts did pass accordingly. In the passage whereof, exception was taken to divers persons in the House of Commons, for that they were attainted, and thereby not legal, nor habilitate to serve in Parliament, being disabled in the highest degree'; and that it should be a great incongruity to have them to make laws who themselves were not inlawed. The truth was, that divers of those which had in the time of King Richard been strongest and most declared for the King's party, were returned Knights and Burgesses of the Parliament; whether by care or recommendation from the state, or the voluntary inclination of the people; many of which had been by Richard the Third attainted by outlawries, or otherwise. The King was somewhat troubled with this. For though it had a grave and specious show, yet it reflected upon his party. But wisely not shewing himself at all moved therewith, he would not understand it but as a case in law, and wished the judges to be advised thereupon, who for that purpose were forthwith assembled in the Exchequer-chamber2 (which is the counsel-chamber of the judges), and upon deliberation they gave a grave and safe opinion and advice, mixed with law and convenience; which was, that the knights and burgesses attainted by the course of law should forbear to come into the house till a law were passed for the reversal of their

1 This is rather fuller and clearer in the Latin. Cum vero Statutum illud esset sub incude, intervenit quæstio juris satis subtilis. Dubitatum est enim, utrum suffragia complurium in inferiori consessu tunc existentium valida essent et legitima, eo quod proditionis tempore Richardi damnati fuissent; unde incapaces et inhabiles redditi essent in summo gradu.

2 The index vocabulorum explains, for the benefit of foreigners, that the exchequer chamber was locus in quo judices majores conveniunt; cum aut a rege consuluntur; aut propter vota aqualia in curiis minoribus, omnes deliberant et suffragia reddunt; aut minorum curiarum judicia retractant.

• Ex legum normâ et æquitate naturali temperatam.