carriage of American freights in American vessels. In certain of its provisions, which Wilson declined to enforce on the ground that they went beyond the capacity of Congress, it ran counter to the treaty agreements existing with most of the nations having shipping in American ports. In the same spirit the Republican Convention adopted a plank reopening the Panama Canal tolls controversy, and favoring the repeal of the law secured by President Wilson in 1914 whereby the merchant ships of all nations were put upon an even footing. The Demo candidates The Democratic Administration was under continuous attack by the Republican majorities in both houses of Congress, and only occasionally did President Wilson intervene openly from his seclusion in the White cratic House. He announced no choice for his successor, but it was believed that William G. McAdoo would be a welcome selection. The criticism of McAdoo as "son-inlaw" and "crown prince" weakened his availability as a candidate, and although many delegates to the convention were in favor of him he did not at any time become more than a receptive candidate. A. Mitchell Palmer was an aggressive aspirant for the nomination. As Alien Property Custodian during the war, and as Attorney-General after it, he had gained much prominence. Under his direction the federal anti-red campaign was waged, and an attack was made upon the profiteers. He was opposed by most of the radical Democrats on the ground that he had gone beyond reasonable limits in the restriction of freedom of speech and opinion. Outside the Administration group were Governor Edwards, of New Jersey, with aspirations founded upon his defense of "personal liberty" in his opposition to the Eighteenth Amendment, and Governor James D. Cox, of Ohio, who had the distinction of three elections to that office in a doubtful State. William J. Bryan was again a leading figure at the Democratic Convention, held in San Francisco at the end of June; not as a candidate, but as the champion of peace and prohibition. He failed to secure action for the latter cause, for this convention, like the Republican, treated the "dry" amendment as a closed issue and said nothing to stir up either side of the long fight. Ireland was present at San Francisco, as it had been at Chicago, demanding planks in support of the pretensions of the Sinn Fein Republic to independence. Since the Easter revolt of 1916 the Irish independents had organized what they claimed to be a government and had kept the island in a state of chronic disorder. American Irishmen, headed by Frank Walsh and Governor Dunne, had presented the claims of their former country to the "Big Four" at Paris, without avail; and Eamonn De Valera, as president of the revolutionary government, maintained American headquarters and supervised the sale of Irish bonds. On March 18, 1920, the Senate passed a resolution of sympathy with Ireland; and the organized Irish devoted themselves to the defeat of the peace treaty because of its failure to recognize their self-determination. The threat to swing the usual Irish Democratic vote to Harding resembled the hyphenated threat to swing the German vote to Hughes in 1916. The Democratic platform included a resolution of sympathy with the Irish cause. Roosevelt The deadlock of the Democratic Convention over the leading candidates lasted longer than it had done at ChiCox and cago. In each case no one of the leaders could command the support of the tested professional politicians of the party; and as the Republican Senators swung to Harding at the end, so the Democratic city politicians swung the convention to Cox on the forty-fourth ballot, and gave him the two thirds needful for a nomination. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, was named for Vice-President. The passions aroused in the canvass of 1920 were inspired less by the candidates than by the idea of punishThird-party ing either the President for his arrogance or the movements Senate for its defeat of the treaty. The hopes of third-party reformers were aroused by the apathy of the campaign. An attempt was made in July, by a committee of forty-eight progressives, to unite the labor parties, the Non-Partisan League, and all the other discontented elements in a new party of reform. The Socialists had already nominated Eugene V. Debs for the fifth time, although he was now behind the bars in the Atlanta penitentiary. The other dissenting groups proved non-fusible; the farmers captured the convention of the "Forty-Eighters" and made so radical a platform that most of the callers of the convention repudiated the result. La Follette declined to accept a nomination from the group, and P. P. Christenson, of Utah, headed their ticket. Labor continued uneasy during the summer of 1920, with many outlaw strikes, which labor leaders could not or would not restrain. Farmers were in protest Business against the fall of prices that became visible conditions and politics after July. To them the conduct of the Federal Reserve Board in raising the discount rate, and in refusing credit to borrowers who wanted it for the purpose of hoarding necessities for a higher price, was a sort of treason. But the Federal Reserve Board justified its creation by preventing panic as prices started back to normal. Sugar, which had been extensively hoarded, dropped from thirty-five to under ten cents per pound. In the early summer the textile mills noted a decline in orders and laid off hands. When Henry Ford cut his prices to a pre-war basis in the autumn there was no resulting crisis, although the act was generally accepted as proof of the post-war price decline. The debate of 1920 centered upon the League of Nations, but with a majority of voters determined to vote without reference to its logic. Cox supported the League with enthusiasm, visiting nearly every State. Harding, speaking generally from his front porch in manner reminiscent of the campaign of 1896, varied his emphasis from day to day in the determination not to offend beyond recall either Root and Taft who wanted the League, or Borah and Johnson to whom it was anathema. But whatever he said, the underlying current was that of the majority party determined to return to power after two administrations of selfincurred defeat. In his favor were the habitual Republi can votes, the anti-Wilson votes, and the support of the multitude of Americans who had chafed under the unusual restrictions and penetrating taxation of the World War. Election Harding and Coolidge were elected in November, with a popular plurality of 6,998,964 over Cox and Roosevelt, with every Northern State supporting them, and of Harding with Arizona, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and all the border States, except Kentucky and Virginia, in the Republican column. Debs ran third, but a better third than ever because of the radical reaction against war restraint and the protest against suppression of opinion. His votes measure in part the lack of interest in the two great parties. In both houses of Congress the Republican majorities were greatly increased. Like the Civil War, but for different reasons, the World War had driven the Democratic Party out of power, and left the future, whose outlines were but faintly visible, in the hands of the party o the North and West. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The best of the biographies read during the campaign is William E. Dodd, Woodrow Wilson and his Work (1920); other books having a bearing on the election are Roger W. Babson, Cox The Man (1920); James M. Beck, The Passing of the New Freedom (1920); Walter Lippmann, Liberty and the News (1920); and David Karsner, Debs: His Authorized Life and Letters (1920). A new survey of the American system at the close of the war is Everett Kimball, The National Government of the United States (1920). Much miscellaneous data may be culled from "Presidential Campaign Expenses" (Hearing pursuant to Sen. Res. 357, 66th Cong., 2d Sess.), and "Victor L. Berger" (Hearings under House Res. 6, 66th Cong., Ist Sess.). Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, The, 30 Agricultural machinery, improved, 69 Aguinaldo, Emilio, 242, 259, 272, 289, 420 Air Service, 520. Aircraft Production Board, 484, 485 Alaska, 15, 379 Aldrich, Senator, 328, 367 Aldrich, Thomas Bailey, 27 Aldrich Monetary Commission, 408 Alien Property Custodian, 503 Allied Maritime Transport Council, 530 Allied Naval Council, 530 Allied offensives, 549 Allies Purchasing Commission, 526 Allison, Senator, 139 Altgeld, John P., 200, 204 American Purchasing Commission for the Allies, 527 American Red Cross, 509 American Rights Committee, 443 American Socialist, 459 American system, Clay's, 136, 215 American troops, quality of, 544 "American Truth Society," 386, 437 American Union against Militarism, 445, 470 and Naturalization Amundsen, Roald, 391 Anarchy and socialism, 128 Anthony, Susan B., 579 Anthracite coal strike, 1902, 303 Anti-Trust Bill, Sherman, 152 Anti-trust legislation, 300, 325, 437; policies, Anti-war agitation, 470, 472 Arbitration of international disputes, 387; Arbitration treaties, 430. See also Peace Arc light, perfected, 69 Argonne, Forest, 548 Arizona, admission of, 378 Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Armed merchant ships, 471 Workers, 199, 281 Amendments to the Constitution, Civil War, Armistice, 256 Armstrong Committee of New York Legis- Army, U. S., health of, 255; in 1894, 202 American Alliance for Labor and Democracy, Army divisions of 1917, 494 510 American base in France, 491 Army legislation, 243 Army reduction, urged by the South, 17 American Commission to Negotiate Peace, Army War College, 290 557 American Commonwealth, 386, 399 American Expeditionary Force, 491, 543 American Federation of Labor, 127, 129, 131, 281, 360, 458, 479. 510, 534, 575 American foreign policy, 54 American League to Limit Armaments, 445 American literature in the nineteenth cen- American neutrality, 434 American Neutrality League, 470 American peace terms inquiry of 1916, 468 Arnold, Matthew, 32 Arthur, Chester A., 47, 54; Congressional |