when the Seward shouters came they found the place well filled and few of them could gain admittance. As the third ballot progressed the excitement grew in intensity, for it was felt that this would be the final and deciding vote. Cheer on cheer reëchoed through the great hall as one State after another recorded its vote for either of the two leading candidates. The confusion was indescribable as the rail-splitter steadily gained on the New York statesman, passed him, and finally came within 1 votes of the great prize. Then for a moment the vast assemblage held its breath as a delegate from Ohio rose and announced the change of 4 votes from that State from Chase to Lincoln, thus giving him the nomination. But the silence was only for a moment, when there broke forth such terrific thunders of applause that the boom of cannon, announcing the event from the top of the building, could scarcely be heard inside.1 The news of the nomination soon spread through the streets of the city; a hundred guns were fired from the top of the Fremont House; processions of men bearing

1 Rhodes, Vol. II. p. 471.

rails in honor of "Old Abe" were formed on all sides, and indeed the whole city gave itself up to one long exultant shout of joy. The news was telegraphed to Lincoln at his office in Springfield. When informed of the work of the convention, he remarked, "There is a little woman at our house that would be glad to hear this; I'll go and tell her."

Outside of Illinois and a few adjacent States the nomination of Lincoln created little enthusiasm in the party. The general feeling was one of disappointment. Seward had been looked upon as the coming man, and his followers were deeply mortified when he was set aside. Nevertheless many of the common people rejoiced at the selection of the rail-splitter, nor was he without warm supporters among the leaders. Senator Douglas, his great antagonist, exclaimed to a group of Republican senators, "Gentlemen, you have nominated a very able and a very honest man."

The Platforms

The chief issue in the presidential election of 1860 was the same that had held the attention of the country for several years past, the same

that had been dominant in the famous joint debates between Lincoln and Douglas - slavery in the Territories. The enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Law and the different interpretations it received north and south of Mason and Dixon's line had placed this question foremost in the public mind; but in the campaign of 1856 the issue was less prominent than now. The South had not then made demands on the northern Democrats to which the latter could not yield, and the party had presented a united front to the enemy. But now the party was rent into two great factions, and the issue between the factions was the same as that between each of them and the Republicans - slavery in the Territories.

The following are the three positions adapted from Greeley: The Republicans took the ground that slavery is a political and moral evil; that it can exist only where protected by law; that there is no law for it in the Territories, nor is there any power to enact one, and that Congress is not only without the power to protect slavery in Territories, but is bound to prohibit it.

VOL. II.- -c

The Breckenridge Democrats represented the opposite extreme, taking the ground that, as the Constitution recognizes property in slaves, Congress is bound to protect such property in all public lands; that any slave owner may migrate into any United States territory and take his human property with him, nor has the people or the territorial legislature any right to exclude slavery by unfriendly laws.

The Douglas Democrats took the middle ground that Congress had absolutely nothing to do with the matter; that the people of a Territory have the sole right to decide the question for themselves; that slavery or no slavery within the bounds of any Territory must be left to a majority of the white citizens.

The fourth party, that led by Bell and Everett, did not announce its position on the all-important question. It simply pronounced for the Constitution, the Union, and the enforcement of the laws, which meant "anything in general and nothing in particular." 1

1 Greeley's "American Conflict," Vol. I. p. 322.

The Campaign

The presidential campaign of 1860 was one of singular importance, owing to the one great question that was to be decided by the election; but the excitement was not so great as in some preceding National contests, owing to the quadrilateral character of political parties and to the fact that the main issue had already been before the people for several years and much of the campaign fire burned out. It was an intellectual battle, the personality of the candidate not entering greatly into it. The most striking figure of the campaign was that of Douglas, who spoke in many of the States and infused something of his own fiery energy into the canvass. But Douglas, with all his eloquence, could not stem the tide against him. He could hope for little support from the South, and the mind of the North was steadily turned toward the rail-splitter. But the personality of Lincoln was not a great attraction to the Republicans, though it is true that he grew in public favor as the canvass proceeded. He made no speeches, but remained quietly at his rooms in