allowed for the cost of pursuit of the Confederate cruisers, as this was not distinguishable from the general expenses of the war. Finally, however, the tribunal decided that the British Government had failed to use due diligence in the performance of its neutral obligations, and that it pay the United States fifteen and a half million dollars in gold as damages in settlement of the Alabama Claims. Chief Justice Cockburn, who represented British interests, alone cast a negative vote, and refused to sign the article when completed. The Conference finished its work on September 14, 1872; both countries accepted the verdict as final, and the troublesome question was settled. This Alabama affair has been pronounced the most unfortunate blunder in her foreign policy in the history of the British monarchy; but, instead of rushing to arms, the two nations wisely decided to settle the matter in a friendly way. Thus a great victory was scored for arbitration and a most salutary precedent for the future was established. 1 1 The Nation, Vol. XIV. p. 84. CHAPTER X THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT OF 1872 PERHAPS no political party in American history was founded on purer and more unselfish motives than the Republican party. The party was at first composed of discordant elements, old line Whigs, who, since the hopeless wreck of their party, had wandered homeless, unwilling to join themselves to their ancient enemy, the party that had overthrown their own; the Know-Nothings, who, despite their party name had come to know something, namely, that their party, after its drastic defeat in Virginia in 1855 could rise no more; and the anti-Nebraska Democrats, who had broken the instincts of a lifetime, and torn themselves away from the old party for conscience' sake. Discordant elements they were for the most part; but in one respect they were in accord, non-extension of slavery, and this became the corner-stone of the great structure of Republicanism. But no political party in these latter times will rule the country long without losing, in a great measure, its original purity, without falling, to some extent, into the hands of self-seeking demagogues; and especially is this true at a time of a great social upheaval as was the Civil War, when offices are multiplied, when the military grows insolent in its sway over the civil authority — still more especially when the party in power grows so great as to monopolize government, and its opposing rival becomes so weak that its protesting voice can be heard but faintly. Such was the condition in the early sixties, and the Republican party proved no exception to the rule. The achievements of the Republican party during the first eight years of its power were far greater than those of any other party in our history during an equal period. But the canker-worm had begun its work. The unfortunate quarrel on reconstruction left its wound; this was deepened by the impeachment of President Johnson. But, worst of all, the party now elected a President who lacked the capacity of a business man, and was without political traininga President who was a soldier, a true soldier, but only a soldier-a President who was honest, too honest to suspect and watch the dishonest man. As the first presidential term of General Grant drew near its ending, it was found that many leading Republicans had become profoundly dissatisfied with the working of the party. Among these we find Curtin and McClure of Pennsylvania, Leonard Sweet and Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, Chase and Stanley Matthews of Ohio, Seward and Greeley and Dana of New York; to these must be added such men as Justice Field, Cassius M. Clay, Carl Schurz, the mouth-piece of the GermanAmericans, Charles Sumner, the great Massachusetts senator, and Charles Francis Adams. These were surrounded by a multitude of followers in every stage of political importance, and supported by such great daily papers as the New York Tribune, the Chicago Tribune, and the Cincinnati Commercial. That some of these men had personal VOL. II. — R grievances against the Administration cannot be denied, but to attribute the great defection wholly or mainly to such a cause is a perversion of history. The Cincinnati Convention The "Liberal Republican" movement had its beginning in Missouri, where the Administration party refused to restore the ex-Confederates of the State to civil rights. A more liberal element of the party, however, led by Carl Schurz and Frank P. Blair, favored removing all disabilities caused by the war, joined themselves to the Democrats, elected B. Gratz Brown governor, and effected their object. The uprising in Missouri was local in its scope, but as an anti-administration movement it found a ready response from disaffected Republicans in all parts of the country. This anti-Grant feeling in the various States was not generally based on the same ground as that in Missouri; it arose from a widespread feeling of distrust, from a belief that the President was incapable of curbing the wily politician in quest of plunder, |