lative circles and in the stock exchanges, but when he sent, as he was in the habit of doing, for captains of industry, he converted at least one of the ablest of them by putting in a sentence a pregnant truth, "Sir, you have to deal with me now, or the mob later."

Mr. Roosevelt, on his way home from his hunting and exploration expedition in Africa, was received with signal honors, as if still President, by Great Britain, France and the Kaiser. He was hailed with the same enthusiasm and demonstrations which have greeted President Wilson, both in London and Paris.

It was the President's psychology of public men and public sentiment of foreign nations which led him to solve and settle threatened difficulties with Japan. Through the East specially, and to a large degree in Europe, there was almost absolute ignorance of the strength and power of the United States. The American battle fleet was ordered to sail around the world. This formidable array of war vessels of the most modern design and equipment and ready for immediate action produced a profound impression in all countries. It was peace by demonstration of preparedness and power. It was the fundamental article in Roosevelt's creed that preparedness and power in a free and liberty-loving nation instead of provoking war promoted

peace.

He first among our public men saw what must be our position in this world war. He found the great mass of his countrymen satisfied with their isolation and pacifists in sentiment, but in season and out of season he preached preparedness and the peril to us at home and to our institutions of the triumph of autocracy upon the field of battle in Europe. It was the wonderful effect of his stirring appeals which made it possible for the President to secure universal assent for the declaration of war. Roosevelt was never more himself in that faculty, which was one of his strongest points, of practicing what he preached and placing himself in the forefront of danger than in what he did when our country entered the war. He proposed to raise a division and go with it at once to France. That was denied, but he sent his four sons. When one of them was wounded and the other killed the pathetic answer of this bereaved patriot was, "Better so, than that they should not have gone."

I was in the Senate during the whole of his Presidency and saw him nearly every day. It was a delight to visit the Executive office or to meet him in the closer associations of the White House. He was the most outspoken of public men. As I was entering his room one morning a Senator was coming out. This Senator had, made some request of the President which had angered him. He shouted to me 80 the Senator could hear him and everybody else: "Do you know that man?" I answered, "Yes, he is a colleague of mine in the Senate." "But," the President shouted, "he is a crook." Subsequent events proved the President correct, the man came within the clutches of the criminal law.

Two of our ex-Presidents are still a force with their party and the people. They are Jefferson and Jackson. Jefferson's influence was because of his versatility, political foresight and a literary talent. Jackson's by his iron will and command of men. Mr. Roosevelt united in himself all the power, talent and force of these two remarkable leaders.

He was intensely human. He had no airs nor fads nor frills. His cordiality was infectious, his friendship never failed. No man of his generation has so long held public esteem and confidence with continuing admiration and expectation. His work in the world was great and greatly done. It is a commonplace when a great man dies to say: "It is not for his co-temporaries to pass judgment upon him, that must be left to posterity and to the historian after the passions of his time have been allayed." There are only two exceptions to this maxim, one is Washington, the other is Roosevelt. The testimony at the time about Washington is the same as the judgment of posterity. With this magnificent fighter, this reckless crusader, this hard-hitter, the world is stilled and awed when the news of his death is flashed over wires and cables, but the instant voice of friend and enemy is the same. All recognize the purity of his motives, the unselfishness of his work and his unadulterated Americanism. His last expression sent to a public meeting in New York, the evening before he died, is the thought upon whose realization rests the security of our institutions and. the future of our country. It is that there is no place in our land for divided allegiance. Every citizen must be wholly American.

Bishop Wilson, who had just come from the great

work he had rendered his country in France, made a powerful address. The following is his estimate of Colonel Roosevelt:

The flags of the nation are at half-mast and the bells of the cities have tolled out their solemn announcement that one, who for eight years had occupied the Presidency of the Great Republic, has passed from us. Beyond the formal recognition of the announcement, however, of this event, the sorrow is registered in the heart of the world. Theodore Roosevelt represented in his personality the North and the South and the rugged loyalty to conscience of Holland, while the sunlight upon the mountain peaks of America, and the broad sweeping winds of her prairies, and the vibrant life of her cities were wrought together, with the culture of her schools and the reverence of her churches, in the fine ideals which for sixty years dominated his life. He was a comrade of men. There was no condition in which they lived into which he was not willing to enter, that he might understand the problems which they fought to solve and weigh the burdens under which they toiled. There was no monotony of peaceful days, no danger of war troubled times was sufficient to discourage or disconcert him. He despised no groups of men, however lowly; he feared none, however lordly. No barrier, or race, or mountain, or tongue, or sea confined him. He was a comrade to all the world because he was a brother to humanity. But where he was welcomed as comrade, he was likely to continue as leader.

There was a vitality in his thought, a keenness to his vision, which enabled him to penetrate the disguise of the superficial and feel the lure of the long road. There was an assertion of conscience in expressed hatred of sham and of unreality, only equalled by his avowed love for reality and truth. His words quivered and blazed as he waged conflict with wrong, or as he assumed the advocacy of right. They ran like the tide of the sea. Measured from the base of his convictions to the altitudes of his ideals, he was the tallest American since the days of Lincoln, probably the best known citizen of the world in which he lived, and the best loved. His door stood open to the weak and to the mighty, to the individual and

to the multitude, for his whole career seemed based upon the belief that the other man might easily add to the store of his knowledge, or help in rendering knowledge more effective in operation, and as the door stood open for the entrance of others, so it stood open for the going forth of himself.

Sometimes it seemed to the friend or enemy that he was taking part in the affairs of the country, or of the world beyond, the limit of a fine propriety, but nothing on any side of any sea was foreign to him, while it concerned the welfare of men. If the ear of the too critical hearer missed the quality of the highest wisdom in what he said, or if, from a mere observer's place of aloofness it seemed that action lacked discretion, no one who came near enough to hear his word, or felt the impact of his personality, could doubt either the friendship for men or that, in what he said, he was seeking to follow the light as it was given to him to see the light. Whatever else he was, he was no "reed shaken by the wind," he was likely to hold steadfastly to the way on which the light fell, and that steadfastness and conviction was not ossified self-will. There was in his love of certain good, in his wrath against certain evil the fastness of the hills, and in his dealing with all things an undisguised constancy, but where movements of the times wrought change in the great outstanding facts of civilization, he was never unresponsive. Among his most recent words were those in which he came to advocate a union of America and Great Britain, a measure which would have been impossible in his thinking even five years ago. He was the towering American of our day, but, in his Americanism, the desire for his country's opulence, by commercial exploit, was not the first thing. It was the relation of America to the life of the American, the responsiveness of America to the claims of justice, the position of America among the nations of the world which he sought, and all the power of conviction and of ideal had their consummate expression in what he said during these last great years in which the processes of dissolution have convulsed civilization as when the foundations of the deep are broken up, but in which also new possibilities have come to light even as when out of the sea new mountains lift their heads. The words of this great American, backed by his offer of service, by his sacrifice in the willing surrender of his best loved to the