that they could not be indifferent spectators, and the possible contingencies of such a protracted war might bring upon the government of the United States duties and obligations, the performance of which, however painful it should be, they might not be at liberty to decline.”

These expressions of public opinion, uttered by the wisest statesmen of their day, show that the Cuban question is by no means a new one, but that it dates back in all its solemn depth and multiform ramifications to quite an early period in our history. Late attempts at its solution are not novel. The boldness and violence of speech in the 54th Congress respecting it have been heard before, the patriotic outbursts have been witnessed, the threats of war encountered.

But these facts intensify, rather than chill interest in the question, for it is conceded that almost enough of years have elapsed to bring about a consummation such as every Cuban patriot has devoutly wished and strenuously striven for. Therefore, in making up the history of the Cuban problem it will appear strange that administrations prior to that of Mr. Cleveland, have uniformly declared to Spain and the world that the condition of Cuba was a matter in which the United States had a vital interest and which could never be disregarded. To put it in the bold language of Edward Everett, "the Cuban question is purely an American one."

Especially is this true of that phase of the question which contemplated the transfer of the island to some more powerful and, perhaps, congenial European power than Spain, even if the object in view were the payment of debts which Spain could not otherwise hope to liquidate. It has been repeated by our Secretaries of State, and by Senators and members of Congress that the United

States could never suffer Cuba to pass into the hands of another European power. It has been often announced by our representatives abroad that any attempt on the part of Spain to transfer Cuba to another European power would be regarded by the United States as an act of war. And this could hardly be otherwise, for the situation of the island is such as to make its possession by other than Spain a double menace to our commerce and to our coasts. Such has been the interest of the United States in the island that during the war of 1868, an offer of a large sum of money, or a guarantee of the Cuban debt, was made if Spain would declare the independence of the island. Later on, and during the same uprising, a threat of intervention was made by the United States.

Thus our policy as to Cuba and our foreign relations have taken shape. Whether they shall be modified, or what further shape they shall take, depends on a full understanding of the history of Cuba and of the attitude of the United States toward her, not in the line of selfishness, but in the interest of humanity and civilization.

Cuba remained faithful to Spain amid all those revolutions which swept away her South American possessions and made them Republics. True there were juntas there which had aided the Republics, and a compensation, Bolivar offered to pay off the debt by helping the island to obtain independence of Spain. He was persuaded to desist by this country for certain diplomatic reasons. Spain suspected the whole island of insincerity in her allegiance, and in 1825 transferred to the captain-general all the authority of the local governors. This was as much as to proclaim the island under martial law, and with the event began the history of Cuba's resistance to the sweeping and needless tyranny of Spain. Since then,