royal establishments, with less pomp and show than nine out of ten of the establishments of the nobility-and he was afraid with less convenience than ninetynine out of a hundred of the latter. It now appeared that this establishment, so private, so devoid of pomp and show and convenience, had cost 37,000l. a year; for it was stated, that besides the 30,000l. paid for it out of the civil list, 7,000l. more came from the consolidated fund: 60,000l. was talked of for an establishment that should have somewhat ostensible, somewhat of splendour about it. Why, twice 60,000l. would not be enough on that scale. It was a perfect joke to propose such a thing. Things, indeed, must be much cheaper even than they were to permit it. Unless the grossest extravagance and waste had prevailed in that branch of the civil list, he meant the existing establishment of her royal highness, an extravagance and waste that outdid all the outdoings in the other branches of it, the proposal of 60,000l. for her royal highness's future establishment, under circumstances of so very different a nature, was utterly inadequate. Feeling so strongly as he did on this subject, however painful the duty, and however unwilling he was to throw the slightest difficulty in the way of the arrangement which had taken place, or to interfere at all in a matter of so delicate a nature, he should certainly take the sense of the House on the question that the chairman should report progress, in order that the committee might better understand the subject when it next came before them, and that the noble lord might make such inquiries in the proper quarter, as would enable him to give them the information which it was, in his opinion, so indispensable to obtain.

The Amendment proposed by Mr. Brougham, having been read by the chairman,

Mr. Methuen said, that as the House had unanimously voted the sum of 60,000l. for the annual establishment of her royal highness the princess Charlotte, he thought the country had a right to expect that every sixpence now paid for her royal highness's establishment from the civil list and consolidated fund, should be cleared off. Whether or not this was the case, the House and the public had a right to know. As to the way in which the money was to be expended, although a certain degree of splendour appeared to be a

matter of fair expectation, yet he conceived that it must be entirely at her royal highness's own discretion and option, whether or not to hold a court.

Lord Castlereagh, in reply to the first part of the hon. member's observations, said that his right hon. friend, when he had made the original proposition, which was the foundation of the bill before the committee, distinctly stated that the 60,000l. to be granted to her royal highness, was in lieu of all other grants from what quarter soever proceeding.

Mr. Methuen wished to know, whether he was nevertheless to understand that the charges were to remain on the civil list?

Lord Castlereagh. Clearly.

Mr. Methuen. Then I shall certainly vote for the hon. and learned gentleman's amendment.

Lord Castlereagh said, that the hon. gentleman must misunderstand him. None of the existing charges on the consolidated fund or civil list would accrue to her royal highness after her marriage, but only the precise income which the present bill went to secure to her.

Lord Milton asked, if those charges would be saved to the public?

Lord Castlereagh replied, that that part of her royal highness's present income which arose out of the consolidated fund would revert to that fund-that part which proceeded from the civil list would be employed in the public service. In allusion to a statement from an hon. and learned gentleman, with respect to the expense of her royal highness's existing establishment, he thought it would not be considered extravagant, when it was considered that all persons in attendance on her royal highness were paid out of ither ladies, her equerries, her masters for the various branches of education, &c.

The

Sir M. W. Ridley recalled the question to the attention of the committee. bill before them granted 60,000l. a year to the princess Charlotte. The 7,000l. now paid to her royal highness out of the consolidated fund would of course merge in that sum. But the 23,000l. now paid out of the civil list, although not henceforward to be given to her royal highness, would continue a charge on the public purse. The bill, therefore, added 23,000. a year to the civil list. Now this was a subject which ought to be separately and distinctly discussed. If the addition was actually necessary, let the proposition be

should attempt to introduce would not allow an impertinent curiosity to be satisfied by an inspection of the deeds themselves. The dates of the deeds, the uses, the names of the witnesses, and the places where they were deposited only would be registered. It would thus be in the power of a purchaser to demand the inspection of the deeds respecting the property, before he completed the purchase, and he would be enabled to ascertain whether all those deeds had been exhibited to him. The measure which he proposed would diminish the number of suits, secure titles, and render it more easy to raise money on mortgage; for it was well known that in York and Middlesex money was more easily raised in this manner than in other counties. He concluded by moving for leave to bring in his bill.

Mr. Croker stated the registry law of Ireland to have proved most beneficial to that country. The hon. and learned gentleman, therefore, had not only the experience of the counties of Middlesex and York in favour of his proposition, but that of the whole country of Ireland. Than such a measure as this he knew of nothing more necessary in a country so far advanced in civilization as England. Nothing could open a wider door to fraud than the secrecy with which it had been common to conclude transfers and mortgages of property in our time. Formerly they were more public, and the form of the document anciently in common use, which began with the words, "Know all men," proved it was not always thought necessary that such transactions should be secret. He objected to the clause which the bill was to contain for making wills public.

Mr. Preston declared himself decidedly hostile to the measure, and did not consider the argument drawn from the operation of such a law in Ireland to be applicable to the state of this country. He should always object to a system which enabled extravagant sons to gratify their curiosity on the subject of the property to which they might be heirs. The registry in Yorkshire appeared to him in the light of a complete nuisance, because, from its extent and multiplicity, it was impossible for any purchaser to derive satisfactory information from it. He felt persuaded that the effect of this measure, if it should pass into a law, although it might be productive of some convenience at first, would in the course of 30 years

throw all the titles in the kingdom into confusion. The proposition of the learned serjeant was likewise open to other objections, inasmuch as it left it to the option of the counties whether they would have the registry or not. The enactment, if it should be adopted, ought to be universal, or we should speedily have a different law in every different county.

Sir F. Flood was astonished to hear the observations which had been urged by the hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down, against an honest, fair bill, brought in to protect the property of the country. The most beneficial effects had been experienced from the registry law of Ireland. He was confident such a measure would be not less advantageous to England. Had such a law been in force, many fatal consequences which had occurred would have been prevented. In one instance which had come to his knowledge, a gentleman carrying the whole of his title deeds with him from his attorney, had in his hurry left them in a hackneycoach. The coachman drove off, and on finding a parcel left behind had opened it, in the hope of finding something immediately negociable. Disappointed in this, and vexed at the parcel containing no Bank paper, he had destroyed all the writings. A family had thus been ruined, which would have been saved from such a calamity, had registries been established in England as they were in Ireland. He did not conceive any serious inconvenience could arise from the bill now proposed to be brought in. No person acting an honest part, could with reason feel ashamed of the arrangements he might deem it necessary to make with his own property, and the arrangement which would now be made, would effectually prevent many from being plundered who would else be cheated out of their money.

Mr. Serjeant Onslow observed, that the question upon the registry of wills was but a subordinate part of the measure, which would be most advantageously discussed in the committee. It had been said by an hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Preston), that the bill would cause confusion: to this he should only answer, that its object was to prevent it, and that he knew nothing which should impede the accomplishment of this object. In one point of view, indeed, it might operate personally with regard to the hon. and learned gentleman, for he believed it would have a great tendency to lessen his professional

avocations. It gave him pleasure, however, to reflect that the hon. and learned gentleman would thus be enabled to devote a greater portion of his time to those studies upon agriculture and the commutation of tithes, which he had so often detailed to an admiring and attentive House [A laugh].

The bill was then brought in and read a first time.

COMMITTEE ON THE DISTRESSED STATE OF AGRICULTURE.] Mr. Western moved the order of the day for the House resolving itself into a committee, to take into further consideration the agricultural distresses of the country. On account of the thin attendance he did not feel himself disposed to urge that the House should go into the committee that evening. Unless the business of the House would permit them to go into a full consideration of the subject at this time, the discussion would hardly be attended with advantage to the country. Knowing that there was a pressure of business that night, and that there was not that disposition in the House which could allow him to expect they would devote their full attention to a subject of such paramount importance, he should throw himself on their determination whether he ought to proceed in moving the committee, or postpone the consideration of the question till after the recess. He should have hoped certainly, that the House would have given the most persevering attention to the consideration of this subject; but whether from the pressure of business, or from whatever other cause, the House had not given that attention to it which he could have wished.

Lord Castlereagh appealed to the House, if either his colleagues or himself had ever absented themselves on any occasion when this question came forward. He hoped the late pressure of business might account in part for the inadequate attendance at present; but he also hoped, that so much had already been done in the spirit of the measures suggested by the hon. gentleman, that the anxiety of the members was on that account considerably abated as to the result. He thought it would be advisable to keep the committee alive, in order that after the holidays they might again give their attention to the question.

Mr. J. P. Grant thought it desirable that the subject should be postponed, in +

the then state of the House. After the holidays, he hoped ministers would be prepared to come forward with some practical plan of their own, for the relief of the distress complained of. This they ought to have taken upon themselves to do before. From the information they had, they might be able to do this better than a committee. It was most important that something should be done. It was important, not merely to the indivi duals whose distress was now the subject of regret, but to the whole landed interest.

Mr. Brand concurred with the last. speaker, in the view which he took of the importance of this subject. After the recess, they would come to it with a knowledge of the effect produced by what had already been done.

Sir J. Newport thought, if the general question were postponed till after the recess, that it would be well to appoint a committee to investigate the question on wool and seeds. He was of opinion, this would be of great service to enable them to view the subject in all its bearings.

Lord Castlereagh had no objection to the committee proposed being now appointed, but he wished to state the im pression on his mind to be at present against imposing any protecting duties on the importation of wool and seeds. Our manufacturers had heretofore been per haps protected by duties, more than they ought to have been even for their own interest. This system pursued, would have forced all the capital into the hands of the manufacturing interest, to the ruin of the agricultural interest. It was proper to take a middle course, and to let the capital take its proper destination equally between them. On this principle he had supported the corn bill. Having done this, he had thought it right to give mode. rate encouragement to the manufacturers of cheese and butter, as it certainly could not be for the interest of the country, that by favouring the growth of corn alone, the farmer should be tempted to break up ground for the culture of it, which might be better fitted to produce other commodities. Though disposed thus to give every reasonable protection to the agricultural interest, he was not willing to lay duties on the importation of articles which entered largely into our manufactures. Considerations thus might arise on the question respecting the importation of wool and seeds, which might overpower