distinguished most of our High Commissioners in China; oblivious to the real position, and unmindful of the rights accorded him as the Queen's representative by the second article of the Treaty, did not even demand an audience with Hienfung. Nor did he leave his army at Tientsin to guarantee the fulfilment of the concessions made. Accordingly, when his brother, Mr. Frederick Bruce, reached the Peiho as Minister to exchange the ratifications. of the Treaty at Peking, he found the river impassable, and had to retire, amid the jibes of the people. In consequence of Lord Elgin's stupidity the whole operation had to be repeated. The High Commissioner once more went north, and after much more opposition and the loss of many men, succeeded in reaching Peking, where he established himself early in the autumn of 1860. Desiring to return to the coast before the river became frozen, having remained at the capital a little over a week, Lord Elgin left a second time without having been received by the Emperor to whom he had been accredited.

Is it surprising, in face of such a record of combined incapacity and pusillanimity, that the influence of this country in the Far East is on the wane? Up to the point reached in the above survey, the struggle was an individual one between the British and Chinese. During recent years this simplicity of contest has disappeared among the varied and conflicting interests of a number of competing nations. It is no longer a question of what England desires to obtain from the Chinese.

The

problem to-day is what will Russia, France, or Germany permit China to accord? and the wily Celestial, the very first to realize this position, does not hesitate to benefit by the number of his suitors, and plays one off against the other with admirable cleverness and sang froid. And this very multiplicity of despoilers has proved China's greatest support; for each, jealous of the others, resents any attempt at dismembering the Empire, excepting on her own behalf.

Having neglected to make use of our

opportunities during a century in which there was no suggestion of outside interference, it is not surprising that our rulers have failed utterly in maintaining the interests of this country since we have been face to face with rival interests. The lack of information which found vent in apathy has given way to a series of alternations of impulse which has resulted in our being worsted on every occasion on which we have matched ourselves against our rivals. The greatest foes of Great Britain during recent happenings in the Far East have not been the Russians, but the shallowness, ignorance, and indifference of our statesmen. China has been politically dead these three years. Her views, her actions, are alike unimportant. It is no longer a question of what she will accord, but of what her despoilers will insist on. In her senility, decrepid and corrupt to the core, her one idea is how she may best prolong her existence, not with a view to emulate the example of her neighbors, and take a place in the councils of the world, but merely in order that she may continue her methods of peculation, of robbery, and of fraud upon her substance. Discredited because exposed, conscious that without some support she must infallibly meet her doom, she seeks a friend on whom to lean in order that she may escape the extinction she so richly merits. At the outset, the Chinese politicians turned toward Great Britain. This country was regarded as the natural protector of the Empire. The English were the first to come into contact with the Celestials. Our power has been felt in China, and the Chinese were not slow in the hour of need to realize that if it were once enlisted on her side, she would be scatheless to the world. Our interests are more widely spread and more deeply rooted than those of other nations in the land, and despite the frequent troubles that had been, China had come to realize that England was more fair and more honest in her dealings, than any of the other nations with whom she had come into contact. Overtures were accordingly made, without result. On the conclusion of the China-Japanese war, Eng

land refused to come to the protection of the vanquished. So China turned to Russia, and found that comfort which was denied her by ourselves. The result was fatal to British influence in the Far East. To-day, China looks to Russia as her friend and ally. For the first time in her history she has fully committed herself to the keeping of a foreign Power. The Cassini Treaty, kept a secret for so long, makes the emissaries of the Czar the virtual rulers of the Celestial Empire: and having forfeited the respect of China by neglecting our manifest duty to take her under our protection, we achieved her contempt by being so easily tricked over the Russian seizure of the Liao Tong Peninsula.

Even at this stage, however, we might have retrieved the past, and secured the premier position in the Far East. Wearied of the constant exactions of her chosen protector, the Chinese Cabinet, so recently as the 31st of January last, made a final appeal for the support of Great Britain. Replying to Sir Claude MacDonald on the subject of the suggested British loan, the Tsungli Yamen stated that it would be prepared to endorse his views and co-operate with this country if the Government would afford protection against Russia, this being the only thing that would help them. The offer, like those which had preceded it, was declined, in proof of our being as slow to secure an advantageous position in the Far East, as we have always been in attaining an enforcement of our rights or compensation for injuries. No greater contrast is to be found between the policy of England and that of other countries in the Far East, than that afforded by the uncertainty and procrastination which invariably attends any assertion of our prestige. More than a year was permitted to elapse between the brutal murder of Augustus Margary and the signing of the Treaty of Cheefoo, and when this was ordained, its provisions proved ridiculously inadequate to mark the enormity of the deed commemorated. Our controlling influence in China, so far as effective power is concerned, is lost to us, until such a time

as we show, by force of arms, if need be, that we are yet a factor to be reckoned with. We are discredited at Peking by our pusillanimity as much as we are discredited in Europe by our defeat. Our opportunities have passed away, and we are left to realize at leisure our discomfiture.

From the first chapter in this record of disaster, we have been consistent only in our errors. After wasting blood and treasure in the obtaining of treaties for the furtherance of intercourse, we have not successfully imposed the observance, of a single one, upon the recalcitrant Celestial. We have sacrificed our rights and imperilled our reputation not only by foregoing privileges, but by condoning breaches of faith which have rendered us ridiculous. We have met Celestial chicanery with lack of resource, and Russian ability with an admission of impotence. And when all too late the approaching partition of the Empire is realized, we blandly pin our faith to an impossible catchword known as the "Open Door," originating in Exeter Hall, and based on the most truly Christian quality of universal charity, but utterly untenable, and, from the standpoint of the political student, absurd. It is to be doubted whether a more insane proposal was ever laid down by a jaded minister, than this suggestion of the "Open Door." Its very idea, signifying the accordance of equal rights to all nations at all times, or, as it is termed, "equality of opportunity," is opposed to every principle of national policy. It is a theory only possible to a nation which, like ourselves, is capable of holding its own in the commercial field against all competitors. Such a policy, if the suggestion deserves the title, would, without doubt, be advantageous to ourselves, inasmuch as it would afford us all the advantages of a preferential sphere, without the attendant expense of supervision or protection. But to all other countries the " Open Door" would mean a loss of opportunity for protected trade, and the Powers, whose only chance of successful competition rests on the imposition of tariffs sufficiently high to keep British manufactures at

arms' length, could never consent to accepting a proposal which would be equivalent to making a free gift of valuable future markets to this country. To talk of the "Open Door" as a policy, is about as idiotic as to repeat the threadbare dictum that " British Interests in China are commercial, not political." The existence of the one idea is as impossible as is the other. And, notwithstanding, the Government cling to their Utopian dream, and, in face of their every statement being discredited by fact, attempt to justify a copybook heading!

At the very moment when the British Government was dilating on the beauties of the "Open Door," the partition of the Chinese Empire had begun. Russia was secretly but effectively sending troops into Manchuria. France, refusing to learn from experience the hopelessness of her methods of colonization, was seeking further extension northward in the provinces of Yunnan and Kwangsi, and Germany was fully occupied prospecting the metalliferous deposits of Shantung for her exclusive benefit. Great Britain, possessed of the most authoritative claims to a voice in the matter, alone refrained from taking part in the scramble for territory, and her reiterated cry for the "Open Door" found its answer in the projection of a Franco-Russian line of railway across the heart of that sphere which she had always deemed exclusively her own. Driven at last by the indignation of its supporters, as much as by the sneers of its rivals, to attempt something, the British Government hastened to do something wrong, and took Wei Hai Wei, a harbor indefensible by land and exposed to the sea; and goaded to a declaration of assumed activity, Lord Salisbury and his lieutenants declared their unalterable intention to do what they had never done, and protect British interests in China under all circumstances. The immediate answer to this statement has been the cancelling of the Newchang Railway concession, and we stand face to face with Russia in China, defeated in every move, discredited before the world, without a policy,

impotent and ridiculous, awaiting a bolt from the blue to extract us from a position which any nation but our own would speedily discover to be untenable.

And now, while we stand discounted and helpless, there comes the rumor that the Government is attempting to come to an understanding with Russia. Nor is the suggestion singular. There are signs to be read by those skilled in such matters, that there is a growing feeling among the supporters of the Government that we have not done sufficient justice to Muscovite ambition, and that our discomfiture has been brought about by the distrust we have all along manifested of Muscovite faith! I have little doubt but that Lord Salisbury would be willing to close with any offer of a Russian understanding which did not press too hardly on British pretensions in the Far East. Nor do I question the readiness of the Ministers of the Czar to accede to what is desired. Pledges, undertakings, and treaties with Russia resemble those made by her nearest neighbor in Asia. Such things are entered on with the distinct intention of being observed as little as circumstances will allow. An understanding with Russia endures for so long as it is her interest to maintain an appearance of being bound. Her policy is too stable to permit her to be long affected by any concession, while, in the case of China, there is too little stability to enable her to carry out any treaty. No agreement with either is worth the paper it is written on, unless the other signatory possess the force to compel adherence to its terms, and is prepared to use it. The question then arises-Do we possess the faculty of profiting by our discomfiture? Are we capable, ere it is too late, of making a stand, and insisting, by force of arms if need be, on the respecting of our undoubted rights? Is Lord Salisbury too old to learn; or is he bent on pursuing his "gou, gou" attitude, and continuing his aspect of smug indifference to the bitter end? Is it within the capacity of the Government to import into its Eastern policy a modicum

of practical common sense, sufficient to manage a Shoolbred's or a Whiteley's? Is it possible to extract Imperial rule from an Imperial Government?

On

the answer to these questions pends the fate of Britain in the Far East.-Fortnightly Review.

NOTWITHSTANDING

the advanced state of development attained by the modern art of globe-trotting, and the comprehensive accomplishments of its numerous votaries, there still remain some spots on our planet not the least charm of which lies in the fact of their being outside the ordinary highways of travel. Away in the South Atlantic, lying between latitude 28° S. and 24° S., quite out of the track of steamers and sailing vessels ploughing the ocean between England and the Cape of Good Hope, and fringing the shores of Great Namaqualand and German Damaraland, are a dozen islands, bleak, barren, and unpromising in themselves beyond description, and yet the natural depot of one of the most fertilizing agents known to commerce. Their

names are Plum pudding, Albatross, Sinclairs, Pomona, Long, Possession, Halifax, Seal, Penguin, Ichaboe, Mercury, and Hollamsbird Islands, the largest some three miles long by half-amile in breadth, and the smallest a mere islet of rock.

By an act of Parliament passed in 1874, these islands, generally known as the Ichaboe group, were annexed to the Cape Colony, and for many years were leased out to private individuals, who reaped a rich harvest as the reward of their enterprise. As the leases fell in, however, the colonial government undertook the business, the immediate management being delegated to an agent, who has hitherto been remunerated by a commission on the net yearly profits, amounting to 15 per cent. on the first £8000, 5 per cent. between £8000 and £15,000, and 3 per cent. between £15,000 and £20,000. the last seven years the annual production has been about 2770 tons, and the cost of working is put down at £3 58. 7d. per ton, while the price at which guano is sold to the colonial farmers is at present £6 10s. per ton. In England

For

it fetches from £8 to £9; but prior to the manufacture of artificial fertilizers the market-price has been as high as £17 or £18 for first-class stuff. Each island, it should be observed, produces a different kind, or rather quality, depending more or less on the amount of sand and grit with which the guano becomes mixed; Mercury, for instance, which is nothing but a barren rock, furnishing the commodity in the most unsophisticated form, ammonia being a constituent part to the extent of no less than 19 per cent.

In consequence of certain alleged irregularities brought to light in the public prints, the government in July fast resolved to appoint a commission to inquire exhaustively into the working and general administration of the islands; and, among other things, a surprise-visit was arranged, with a view to ascertaining on the spot the actual state of affairs. To this end a small steamer was chartered, and, with several officials on board, among whom was your correspondent, in the capacity of secretary, proceeded on a cruise of inspection, an opportunity being thus. afforded of visiting what, to people at all events, is a terra incognita.

The coastline of southwestern Africa. for a very considerable distance north of the Cape of Good Hope presents but few features of interest; indeed it. may be described as a wearisome and monotonous picture of barren-looking rocks, alternating with long, arid stretches of sand-dunes, the desolation of the scene being completed by the angry surf which with ceaseless and depressing rhythm beats upon the shore. At the same time, the atmosphere in these comparatively rainless latitudes is singularly pure and invigorating; one feels as if it were almost a luxury to breathe; and when night closes in, the starry heavens present a glorious spectacle to the eye, while all

around the vessel the sea flashes and sparkles with the phosphorescent rays emitted by countless forms of marine life.

Possession Island, the largest of the group, is about five hundred miles from Capetown, and viewed from a short distance off looks uncommonly like a huge drab-colored clinker set down in mid-ocean. It is crescent-shaped, and shelters Elizabeth Bay from the westward, the mainland being well defined in the distance. On nearer approach one experiences a sensation much akin to that induced by a theatrical transformation-scene, the forbidding and apparently untenanted waste being alive with birds enjoying to the full the immunity secured from predatory foes, and showing but little sign of timidity from outside intrusion. Thousands upon thousands of penguins line the shore, strutting about with great self-importance, and jealous, one might almost imagine, that Nature has not endowed them with the power of flight like their comrades, the malagas, a very handsome bird about the size of an ordinary goose, and with much the same plumage except that the head and neck are tinted with yellowish feathers. Enormous flocks of these malagas are to be seen in every direction, either standing in solid groups, covering a large extent of ground, or wheeling about in the air, now and then darting out seawards in quest of fish, upon which they pounce with unerring accuracy. Then there are various kinds of gulls, guillemots, and other sea-birds. In July and August is the breeding season, and it is not till later in the year that the islands are what is technically called "in full bloom," when the birds are more numerous than ever. Some of the habits of the penguin are very peculiar. Their nests consist of a hole scratched in the sand, or just a crevice in the rock, into which they drag a few stones, pieces of seaweed, or any rub bish available; and here they deposit two, or at the most three, eggs, the period of incubation lasting six weeks. When the young birds are hatched they very quickly take to the water. Short

ly after the breeding season is concluded, the work of collecting the

guano or excrement begins; and this on the larger islands furnishes employment for thirty or forty hands, the ranks being recruited from all sorts and conditions of men, even a brokendown barrister having been known to cast in his lot amid these untoward surroundings. At the time of the visit of the commission there were over 2000 tons of guano stacked on this island in a large heap, representing a money-value of close upon £15,000. At one time Possession Island must have been the haunt of innumerable quantities of seals, for the remains of these creatures are to be seen in all directions, abundantly confirming the statement of Captain Morrell, who, when describing his visit here many years since, said, "I saw the effects of a pestilence or plague which had visited these inhabitants of the ocean with as much malignancy as the Asiatic cholera does the bipeds of the land. The whole island was literally covered with the carcasses of fur-seals, with their skins still on them. They appeared to have been dead about five years, and it was evident they had all met their fate about the same period. From the immense multitude of bones and carcasses, not less than half-a-million must have perished, either through some mysterious plague or disease, or from the effects of a sand-storm."

The accommodation on Possession Island for the men employed far surpasses that on any of the others, and consists of a substantial wood and iron building and store in close proximity to the beach, where a rough kind of jetty has been constructed to facilitate the shipment of guano. There is also a small cooperage where the water-casks are repaired. Not a drop of fresh water is to be found on any of the islands, and the conveyance of water from Capetown is consequently an important business. An attempt has been made to condense sea-water by solarheat, an apparatus something like a cucumber frame being used for the purpose; but the birds frequently interfere with its successful manipulation.

On Possession, Halifax, and Ichaboe Islands head men are stationed, whose duty it is to control the collection and shipment of the guano and generally