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lieved in good faith by the people to zens of America, and the still greater whom they were addressed. The An- inconveniences of ruling an outlying glo-Saxon conscience, like the Noncon- island as a Crown colony. A study of formist, may not be logical, and may be the high-class American papers before elastic, but it is a conscience all the the war will, I am convinced, establish same. Nobody can doubt that if Ar- my assertion that previous to the demenia had been an island within a struction of the Maine in the harbor hundred miles of the British coasts, of of Havana the leading organs of public which we were able to take possession opinion in the United States did all in with as much ease and as little risk as their power to deprecate armed interthe Americans were in a position to do vention in Cuba. I happened to meet in the case of Cuba, the Union Jack Mr. Gordon Bennett in Cairo on the would long ago have floated over Er- day that we received the news that the zeroum. Moreover, in the opinion of Maine had been destroyed. Whether the mass of ordinary Americans, the the destruction was intentional or acCuban insurgents were, as Mr. Glad- cidental, and by whom and in whose stone said of the Dervishes—“a gallant interest upon the former hypothesis the people, struggling gallantly to be free” explosion was contrived, are questions
-patriots oppressed by the tyranny of to which no satisfactory answer is ever an old-world monarchy. Thus popular likely to be given. But, as an old joursentiment in the United States was nalist, I felt Mr. Bennett was in the strongly in favor of intervention right when, on hearing the news, he reThen, too, to the Anglo-Saxon mind, marked, “ The game is up; we must the spectacle of a wealthy and fertile now go in for war.” President McKincountry being in the hands of owners ley and the leaders of the Republican who are unable to utilize its advantages party, who had been honestly opposed infallibly suggests the reflection how to war till after the Maine explosion, much better it would be for all parties felt that their hands were forced, and concerned if the country were taken that they had no option save to obey the away from its actual occupants, and national outcry for war. Under like transferred to hands better suited to de- circumstances any British Government velop its resources. Englishmen who would have acted in the same manner. feel keenly the irritation caused by the It may be urged by hostile critics maladministration of the Transvaal that the Americans, however genuine can hardly wonder if the instinct of their indignation may have been at the America was to put an end, for her own alleged or real wrongs of Cuba, were advantage as well as that of Cuba, to also set on getting possession of the Spanish misgovernment of the Queen island, and hurried on the proclamation of the Antilles. The odd thing is, not of war as soon as they foresaw a possithat the United States have virtually bility that the grant of autonomy might annexed Cuba, but that they did not be accepted by the Cuban insurgents, annex the island long ago. The rea- and that thus the United States might sons for the delay in action are not be deprived of their casus belli. Even difficult to discover. The educated, the admitting the justice of these critiwealthy, and what one may call the cisms, they do not seem to me to prove Conservative classes in America, were, any graver charge against our transatalmost to a man, averse to prompt ac- lantic fellow-kinsmen than that they tion. The tradition which, as I have share our Imperial instincts, that they said, forbade any assumption of liabili- possess the Anglo-Saxon desire for exties by the Republic outside the Ameri pansion, a desire which, whether disincan continent was far stronger with terested or not, has done more than any the classes than with the masses. Add- other cause to promote civilization and ed to this, the classes in the States re progress. The existence of this desire alized far more keenly than the masses has manifested itself very markedly the inconveniences of adding a mon- throughout the later stages of the war. grel half-breed population to the citi. After the American troops had landed in. Cuba, their countrymen came very ers which are presumably ultra vires. rapidly to the conclusion that the Cu- Moreover, it is contrary to all expeban insurgents were by no means the rience to suppose that the United States heroes and patriots they had been de- will long rest content with their re. picted as being; but were, on the con- cent colonial acquisitions. Just as, actrary, about as little deserving of re- cording to the French proverb, appetite spect or sympathy as the ordinary half- comes in eating, so the taste for annexbreeds of any South American Repub- ation grows by annexing. In the West lic. By the time, however, this discov- Indies as in the Indian Ocean, the ery was made, the United States were Americans are certain before long to committed to the task of emancipating discover that their new possessions reCuba from Spanish rule. Common quire, for their security in the present sense pointed to the conclusion that the and their development in the future, insurgents were utterly incapable of the acquisition of adjacent territories. governing the island; and therefore, if Again, the holding of colonies must Spain was to go, the United States, in compel the United States to keep up a fact if not in name, must perforce take navy and an army out of all proporher place in Cuba. In this instance tion to the forces which have hitherto common sense coincided with popular sufficed for the defence of a country ambition. From the outset public whom no foreign Power had either the opinion in America has insisted on will or the means to attack. The poslarge cessions of territory being de- session of large naval and military nianded as compensation for the sacri- forces creates of necessity a desire for fices made by the United States in the their active employment; and for the war with Spain, and though the wisdom present such employment can only be of this demand may not altogether com- found in enterprises of a more or less mend itself to old-fashioned politicians aggressive character. To put the matof the McKinley type, the Government ter plainly, America, as a colonial Powof Washington is not strong enough to er, will have interests of her own which withstand the public outcry for terri- must inevitably bring her into collision torial compensation. In as far as any with the interests of other great Powfuture event can be predicted with con-.ers; and in order to uphold her new pofidence, we may take it for granted sition she must employ the same means that when peace is formally concluded ac are employed by the other leading the United States will have assumed Powers of the world. sovereignty over all the possessions of I do not myself see any cause as an Spain in the West Indies, while the Englishman to regret the transformaPhilippines will be placed under the tion of the United States from a pacific virtual, if not the avowed, Protectorate to a belligerent Power. Of course of America. It follows that the great there are certain obvious contingencies Republic has now definitely shaken off under which the Imperial interests of the trammels imposed upon her by the . Great Britain and America might “ Ring Fence” policy of her original come into conflict. If such contingenfounders, and has thereby followed the cies should arise I have no great confiinstincts of the Anglo-Saxon race. dence in war being rendered an impos
The consequences of this change of sibility on the strength of platitudes, front can as yet be only indicated in the uttered on either side the Atlantic, as vaguest terms. It is obvious that the to our common brotherhood, and as to American Constitution contains no pro- blood being thicker than water. The vision for the administration of outly- real bond of union between our two ing territories, which for many long countries lies in the fact that the inyears to come cannot possibly be admit- terests we have in common are more ted to the Union as sovereign States. numerous and more powerful than the Either the Constitution will have to be interests which are-or may beanaltered, or the authorities of the Re- tagonistic. Any formal alliance bepublic will be compelled to assume pow- tween the American Republic and the British Empire has never seemed to me affairs cannot fail to bring together possible or desirable. With our free nuore closely two kindred nations, institutions, we have no power to enter whose ideas, ambitions, and institutions into binding alliances with any one. are almost as identical as their lanMoreover, even if the United States guage. Thus in the Imperialist movecould and would ally themselves with ment, which has led the United States us, I fail to perceive the benefit of such to embark on a career of annexation, I an alliance to England. In the event see the promise of gain rather than of our becoming involved in a war with loss to our own country. Even if this Russia, or indeed with any great Euro- were not so, I should still find cause pean Power, what we should need are for congratulation in the fact that the not ships, but troops; and of all coun- American Republic has now reverted to tries America is the least able to guar- the hereditary policy of the Anglo-Saxantee us against the risks involved in on race. Just as men cannot live by the small dimensions of our standing bread alone, so nations cannot exist army. On the other hand, the friend solely by material prosperity. There ship of the United States would be of is a story told that on some occasion the utmost value to Great Britain in Alexandre Dumas the elder was asked the event of war. If the sympathies of by an interviewer as to which of his the Republic were actively enlisted on works he felt personally proudest. The our behalf there would be infinitely less author of “Monte Cristo” and the risk of our corn supply being cut off, “ Trois Mousquetaires ” pointed to his while there would be no risk of our son, who was sitting by his side, and mercantile commerce being destroyed answered, “This is the work which I by American Alabamas. In like man have most reason to be proud of." ner, the fact that the United States In much the same way I think if I were could rely upon the friendship of Eng- asked what in my opinion is the greatland would greatly diminish any risk est work England has accomplished, I they might have to incur in pursuing should say the United States of Amerithe policy of intervention in foreign ca; and in so saying I should, I hold, affairs to which they are bound by the express the sentiments of the great acquisition of colonies. The nervous mass of my fellow-countrymen. And, anxiety with which all Continental na holding this view, I cannot but deem it tions are endeavoring to assure each matter for congratulation that our other that any alliance between the two American fellow-townsmen should have great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race shown that they have preserved the is a chimerical idea is proof in itself ideal of an Imperial mission; that they, how powerful such an alliance might as well as we, are prepared to carry out prove if it could be carried into effect. that manifold destiny which is the The mere abandonment by America of birthright of the Anglo-Saxon race.her attitude of isolation in all foreign Nineteenth Century.
PRINCE BISMARCK-PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS.
BY WILLIAM HARBUTT DAWSON.
PRINCE BISMARCK had lived eight further the designs of a masterful years in retirement, and almost in exile, mind. I when, with a dramatic suddenness, his remarkable story, probably but sands ran out; but if ever any states- little known, will illustrate what I man's distinctive work was carried to mean. Its author is Herr von Tiedecomparative human completeness, his mann, sometime head of the Imperial certainly was. It had always been his Chancellery. When Tiedemann conwish and hope to die in harness, and veyed to his chief the news of the inurmore than once-notably when the derous attempt which was made, on cares of office apparently pressed with June 2d, 1878, by Nobiling, on the greatest weight upon him—he told Emperor William I., Bismarck's first the Reichstag so. How this desire failed ejaculation was, “Now we will dissolve of fulfilment is a story with which the the Reichstag !” Only after the ruling world is fairly familiar.
passion of political purpose had found The fact that Germany's greatest son involuntary expression did he inquire and Europe's master in statecraft after the Emperor's condition, and seek should have passed away as a private details of the dastardly deed which citizen rather than as the first Minister had nearly robbed him of a beloved of the Empire which he had created has master.* naturally given prominence to the per- That Germany accurately diagnosed sonality of the man at the expense of the specific genius of her distinguished the political achievements of his career, Chancellor was clearly proved by the and some aspects of this personality it character of the homage paid to him is my purpose briefly to survey. If during life. He was worshipped rather one were asked to name the character than loved : it was the Titanic in his istic which beyond all others denoted personalty, the heroic in his achievePrince Bismarck, and which, at the ment, which magnetized the nation and same time, was the master-key to the drew to him its lavish, almost unreasonsecrets of his incomparable success as ing admiration. But Germany's estidiplomat and as statesman, the answer mate of her hero was shown even more must unquestionably be-his concen. eloquently at his death. Those who tration. Yet not concentration in any at close quarters witnessed the national indefinite and abstract sense, rather the mourning for the old Emperor in 1888, constant and unwearied application of and lately have noted the expressions every faculty to an unvarying political of grief which his Chancellor's death task—twofold, yet in essence one-the elicited, will bear me out when I say strengthening of the Prussian mon- that the two calamities affected the archy upon the basis of a constitution nation very differently. In the first voluntarily conceded by the Crown, and case the tribute to the dead was that of the drawing together of the German a united people's heartfelt, homely sorStates in a union of which Prussia row ; in the second it took the form of should be the predominant partner. Essentially his genius was political, and
* To give full point to the incident it
should be stated that Nobiling's attempt politics were the engrossing object of
followed that of Hödel on May 11 of the his thought. Cosmopolitan in culture, same year, on which occasion the first Ansusceptible apparently in no small de- ti-Socialist bill was introduced in the Reichgree to the manifold movements of his stag, which, however, declined to pass it. age, the supreme interest of his life was
Nobiling's crime led Bismarck to dissolve
the Reichstag and appeal to the nation, yet the solution of one great politica!
which gave him a powerful majority, by problem-how States can be made, Par whose aid the second Socialist Bill was liaments managed, and parties used to easily carried.
ponderous, organized mourning—very and responsibility. Bismarck, by the fine, very touching, very sincere, yet way, went so far as to assert, both by throughout conveying an unmistakable word and act, that even Standing Rules suggestion of the “ manifestation." possessed no validity for him. SituIn the first case affection was the mo- ated thus, to a large extent outside Partive force ; in the second patriotism. liamentary influence, the German MinBy mere accident, rather than inten- ister does not find himself under the tion, I passed through Germany from necessity of continually appealing to the west to east, and from north to south, indulgence and sympathy and emotions during the fourteen days which followed of the Legislature. So it came about Bismarck's death, and it was interest that Bismarck, especially in late years, ing to note the effect which the event was no very frequent speaker in the created. It was everywhere the same. Reichstag, while in the Prussian Diet Public memorial gatherings (Trauer- he spoke still more rarely. But when feier) were the rule-in general, elabo- a “ Bismarck sitting" did occur, it was rate functions, held in open spaces or an event in the session. What a large halls, at which the proceedings crowded House was that to which he embraced glowing panegyrics by lead- always addressed himself! Upon the ing citizens, music by bands and cho. deputies' benches—I speak of the old ruses, and here and there torchlight pro- Parliament House in the Leipzigercessions with parade of funereal trap- strasse—and in the several galleries you pings. It was all impressive and almost would look in vain for a vacant place. unique in its way, but even the most Those were rare days, when tickets of casual observer might have guessed that admission to the tribunes were precious the object of mourning was one whose documents indeed. career and deeds appealed less to the Bismarck never made his appearance sympathetic than the patriotic and until he was ready to speak. He was political instincts.
not the man to waste time in listening No statesman of his time stirred the to uninformed criticism ; what he had political mind of Europe by his speeches to say himself he said, and he left other as Prince Bismarck did while Chan- people to talk as they listed. Having cellor of the Empire. And yet he could arranged all the requisite papers before not be described as an orator in the him, he would rise at the call of the commonly accepted sense of the term. President, and before general silence More than that, he would have been had fallen over the House would be in the first to disclaim the title-probably medias res. Though refined, his voice with no little disgust-had it been be- could hardly be called musical, and for stowed upon him. I heard him speak a man of his immense stature, it was by in the Reichstag on various occasions no means strong. It was characteristic and under the most favorable circum- of him that the style of address which stances, and this impressed me more he invariably adopted was distinctly than anything else--the entire natural conversational-free, straightforward, ness and sincerity of his manner, its unconstrained—as though the Reichstag utter freedom from rhetorical tricks or were to him simply a body of fellowartifices, and the absolute absence of men to whom he desired to impart his any straining after effect. It may be views of the questions at issue. During said that, as Germany is not governed the delivery of one of the most imporby noisy talk but by silent action, a tant speeches which ever left his lips he Minister under such a constitutional was seated in his official chair, an insystem as hers is at an enormous advan- formality which he excused on account tage in this matter of Parliamentary of temporary indisposition, oratory. No one can compel a Minis- A few days before Prince Bismarck's ter to speak unless he wishes. He is mortal illness was announced to the not, in fact, a Minister of Parliament world, I chanced to be discussing his at all : his office is conferred upon him industrial legislation with a well-known by the Sovereign, to whom alone-short and well-informed German social reof complying with certain Standing former, and the conversation took, as Rules of the House-he owes obedience was inevitable, a wider scope. “Do