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ent perils. He said: "A large association of ignorant men cannot, for any considerable period oppose a successful resistance to tyranny and oppression from the educated few, but will inevitably sink into acquiescence to the will of intelligence, whether directed by the demagogue or by priestcraft. Hence the education of the masses becomes of the first necessity for the preservation of our institutions." As a "primary step, therefore, to advancement in all that had marked" past progress, he recommended a constitutional amendment "making it the duty of each of the several states to establish and forever maintain free public schools adequate to the education of all the children in the rudimentary branches within their respective limits, irrespective of sex, color, birthplace or religion, and forbidding the teaching in said schools of religious or atheistic or pagan tenets, and prohibiting the granting of any school funds or school taxes, or any part thereof, either by legislative, municipal or other authority, for the benefit or in aid, directly or indirectly, of any religious sect or denomination." He next called attention to the vast accumulation of untaxed church property, which already reached the enormous sum of one billion of dollars, and which by the end of the century would reach three billion, three hundred million, and added: "The contemplation of so vast a property as here alluded to, without taxation, may lead to sequestration without constitutional authority, and through blood. I would suggest the taxation of all property equally, whether church or corporation, exempting only the last resting place of the dead, and, possibly, with proper restrictions, church edifices." In referring to the relations of the United States with foreign powers, he announced that minor differences with Chili and Colombia had been satisfactorily closed; a reciprocity treaty had been concluded with the Hawaiian islands, and the Virginius indemnity arranged with Spain. The questions in issue with England, Cuba and Mexico were fully explained. Five questions were finally enumerated, which were declared to be of vital importance: "A good school system made universal; unsectarian teaching and compulsory disfranchisement of illiterate voters after 1890; separation to be declared unalterable, of church and state, and taxation of church property; the extirpation of" licensed immorality, such as polygamy and the importation of women for illegitimate purposes; and a speedy return to a sound currency, such as will command the respect of the world."

The last annual message ever penned by President Grant was presented to congress on December 5, 1876. The document may be regarded as important and interesting, not only as a statement of the condition of the country at the end of the year, but also as containing a dignified vindication of his past career. "From the age of seventeen," said he, "I had never even witnessed the excitement attending a Presidential campaign but twice antecedent to my own candidacy, and at but one of them was I eligible as

a voter. In such circumstances it is but reasonable to suppose that errors of judgment must have occurred. Even had they not, differences of opinion between the Executive, bound by an oath to the strict performance of his duties, and writers and debaters, must have arisen. It is not necessarily evidence of blunder on the part of the Executive because there are these differences of views. Mistakes have been made as all can see, and I admit; but it seems to me oftener in the selections made of the assistants appointed to aid in carrying out the various duties of administering the government, in nearly every case selected without a personal acquaintance with the appointees, but upon recommendations of the representatives chosen directly by the people. It is impossible, where so many trusts are to be allotted, that the right parties should be chosen in every instance. History shows that no administration, from the time of Washington to the present, has been free from these mistakes. But I leave comparisons to history, claiming only that I have acted in every instance from a conscientious desire to do what was right-Constitutional, within the law, and for the very best interests of the whole people. Failures have been errors of judgment, not of intent."

Passing to a review of the country's financial and commercial condition, he sketched the grand results that had been accomplished since the war, in these words: "The country was laboring under an enormous debt, contracted in the suppression of rebellion, and taxation was so oppressive as to discourage production. Another danger also threatened us-a foreign war. The last difficulty had to be adjusted, and was so adjusted without a war, and in a manner highly honorable to all parties concerned. Taxes have been reduced within the last seven years nearly three hundred millions of dollars, and the National debt has been reduced in the same time over four hundred and thirty five millions of dollars. By refunding the six per cent. bonded debt for bonds bearing five and four and onehalf per cent. interest, respectively, the annual interest has been reduced. from over one hundred and thirty million dollars in 1869, to but little over one hundred millions dollars in 1876. The balance of trade has been changed from over one hundred and thirty million dollars against the United States in 1869, to more than one hundred and twenty million dollars in our favor in 1876. It is confidently believed that the balance of trade in favor of the United States will increase, not diminish, and that the pledge of congress to resume specie payments in 1879 will be easily accomplished, even in the absence of much desired legislation on the subject." In referring to the exciting Presidential election of that year and the troubles growing out of it-a matter that will be considered in connection with the life of President Hayes-he made the following pertinent and significant suggestions: "Under the present system there seems to be no provided remedy for contesting the election in any one state. The

remedy is partially, no doubt, in the enlightenment of electors. The compulsory support of the free school, and the disfranchisement of all who cannot read and write the English language after a fixed probation, would meet my hearty approval. I would not make this apply, however, to those already voters, but I would to all becoming so after the expiration of the probation fixed upon. Foreigners coming to the country to become citizens, who are educated in their own language, would acquire the requisite knowledge of ours during the necessary residence, to obtain naturalization. If they did not take enough interest in our language to acquire sufficient knowledge of it to enable them to study the institutions and laws of the country intelligently, I would not confer upon them the right to make laws, nor to select those who do. With the present

congress my official life terminates. It is not probable that public affairs will ever again receive attention from me further than as a citizen of the Republic, always taking a deep interest in the honor, integrity and prosperity of the whole land."

An incident that occurred during 1876 must not be omitted in any record. of the life of President Grant, or of the times in which he lived, as it showed the species of enmity which he was compelled to meet at various times, and his prompt response when under accusation. General Babcock, his private secretary and one of his most intimate friends, was indicted on a charge of complicity in what were known as the "whisky frauds." The President's name was immediately coupled with that of his secretary by the opposition press, and an intimation given that such influence would be brought to bear as would stop the further prosecution of the case. Grant's course was prompt and to the point. Writing to those who had the case in charge he said: "I forward this for information, and to the end that if it throws any light upon new parties to summon as witnesses they may be brought out. Let no guilty man escape, if it can be avoided. Be specially vigilant, or instruct those engaged in the prosecution of fraud to be, against all who insinuate that they have high influence to protect them. No personal consideration should stand in the way of performing public duty." The country was soon aware that General Grant had no part in anything that savored of dishonest dealings, and that such scandals as befell his administration were the works of those in whom the natural loyalty of his character had led him to place a too generous trust.

A pleasing feature of President Grant's last year of official life occurred on May 10, 1876, upon the occasion of the formal opening of the centennial exhibition at Philadelphia. When he appeared upon the platform he was greeted by enthusiastic cheers, and after the preliminary exercises had been completed, he declared the great exposition open in a brief speech, in which he spoke of the advance of the country as exhibited in this display of its products, invoked the cooperation of the people to make the

exposition a success, and extended a hearty welcome to visitors from foreign shores.

President Grant's second term in the Presidential office was hardly under way before the fear was expressed in some of the public journals that he contemplated a nomination for a third term, and that there were many leading men in the Republican ranks who would gladly work to that end. Because Grant held his own counsels and made no haste to decline an honor that had not yet been tendered him, the agitation grew in violence and soon took form in the debates of congress and the considerations of political conventions. As early as January, 1875, a report came from the judiciary committee of the National house of representatives in favor of an amendment to the Constitution extending the Presidential term to six years and making the President ineligible to reëlection. The result of the test vote that ensued showed that not only the Democrats but many Republicans were opposed to the third term-not that dislike toward Grant or any lack of confidence in him was of necessity expressed by a negative vote, but because it was clear to the American mind that the limit which Washington had marked for himself should be given all the force of a written law. Matters finally came to a point where General Grant decided to express himself, and an opportunity was given when the Republican convention of Pennsylvania, while praising the administration in the highest terms, declared itself "unalterably opposed to the election to the Presidency of any person for a third term." This called from the President a letter to the chairman of the convention, in which he stated that so far from seeking for a third term of office, he had himself never sought for a second or even a first nomination. "Now, for a third term," he continued,

"I do not want it any more than I did the first. I would not utter a word to change the will of the people in having their choice. The question of the number of terms allowed to any one member of the executive can only come up fairly on a proposition to amend the Constitution, fixing the length or the number of terms for which one person shall be eligible to the Presidency. Until such amendment is adopted, the people cannot be restricted in their choice by resolution further than they are now restricted by age and nativity; and it may happen in the country's future history that to change an executive officer because he has been eight years in office. will prove an unfortunate if not disastrous idea. That any man could elect himself President, or even renominate himself, is preposterous. It is a reflection upon the intelligence and patriotism of the people to suppose such a thing possible. Anyone can destroy his chances for the office, but no one can force the election or even nomination. To recapitulate, I am not, nor have I ever been, a candidate for renomination. I would not accept a nomination, if it were tendered, unless it should come under such

circumstances as to make it an imperative duty-circumstances not likely to arise."

When the Presidential contest of 1876 began to assume a form that threatened serious trouble, President Grant contented himself with taking measures for the preservation of order and the protection of rights in the south. On August 15 General Sherman was instructed to have all available forces"in readiness to be used upon call or requisition of the proper legal authorities, for protecting all citizens, without distinction of race, color or political opinion, in the exercise of the right to vote, as guaran teed by the Fifteenth amendment, and to assist in the enforcement of certain, condign and effectual punishment upon all persons who shall attempt by force, fraud, terror, intimidation or otherwise, to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage, as provided by the laws of the United States; and have such force so distributed and stationed as to be able to render prompt assistance in the enforcement of law." The only call for troops prior to the election came from Governor Chamberlain of South Carolina. A proclamation was issued on the seventeenth of October commanding unlawful combinations to disperse, and on the same day General Sherman was directed to place all available forces in the Division of the Atlantic at the command of General Ruger at Columbia, to be stationed where they could be most effectually used in case of resistance to the authority of the United States. After the election and while the result was in dispute in South Carolina, the President gave orders for the use of the military to preserve order only. Instructions were issued to General Augur, in Louisiana, to “preserve peace and good order, and to see that the proper and legal canvassing board are unmolested in the performance. of their duties. Should there be any ground of suspicion of fraudulent count on either side," the President added, "it should be reported and denounced at once. No man worthy of the office of President should be willing to hold it if counted in or placed there by fraud. Either party can afford to be disappointed in the result. The country cannot afford to have the result tainted by the suspicion of illegal or false returns.’ It was at Grant's request that a delegation of prominent Republicans from the north went to New Orleans to supervise the canvass of votes. His subsequent course was limited to precautions against any breach of the law. In signing the Electoral Commission bill on January 29, 1877, he submitted a special message to the senate, in which he approved the measure as "calculated to meet the present condition of the question and the country,' but at the same time urged the necessity of "permanent general legislation to meet cases which have not been contemplated in the Constitution or laws of the country." In the settlement of that great controversy he had no part to take, and on March 4 retired into private life, glad to be free from

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