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than by quotation from his own language in regard thereto : "To sum it up in a word: Out of an unimportant business transaction, the loan of a trifling sum of money as a matter of personal accommodation, and out of an offer never accepted, has arisen this enormous fabric of accusation and suspicion. If there be a citizen of the United States who is willing to believe that for three hundred and twenty-nine dollars I have bartered away my good name, and to falsehood have added perjury, these pages are not addressed to him. If there be one who thinks that any part of my public life has been gauged on so low a level as these charges would place it, I do not address him. I address those who are willing to believe that it is possible for a man to serve the public without personal dishonor. I have endeavored in this review to point out the means by which the managers of a corporation, wearing the garb of honorable industry, have robbed and defrauded a great National enterprise, and attempted, by cunning and deception, for selfish ends, to enlist in its interests those who would have been the first to crush the attempt had their objects been known.

"If any of the scheming corporations or corrupt rings that have done so much to disgrace the country by their attempts to control its legislation, have ever found in me a conscious supporter or ally in any dishonorable scheme, they are at full liberty to disclose it. In the discussion of the many grave and difficult questions of public policy which have occupied the thoughts of the Nation during the past twelve years, I have borne some part; and I confidently appeal to the public records for a vindication of my conduct."

His position upon the question of extra back-pay for members of congress, as voted by themselves to themselves, in 1873, can be briefly stated. He believed that congress had no right to make such an increase, and that it was a moral wrong for which the country would hold the members responsible. But the promoters of the plan had attached it to the legislative appropriation bill, which, if defeated during the closing hours of the session, would involve the calling of an extra session. The matter was before a conference committee, of which Garfield was a member, and when the matter came before the house he made this explicit statement: "I was opposed to the increase in the conference, as I have been opposed to it in the discussion and in my votes here; but my associate conferees were in favor of the senate amendment, and I was compelled to choose between signing the report and running the risk of bringing on an extra session of congress." The rest of Garfield's connection with this matter can be stated in a few words: On April 29, 1873, a list of those who had drawn their extra pay and covered it back into the treasury so as to place it beyond the control of themselves forever, was made public by Treasurer Spinner, and the name of James A. Garfield was fourth upon the list.

That Garfield held a natural and worthy ambition during all of his public

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life for promotion in the field, to which circumstances, natural aptitude and the choice of the people had devoted him, was always understood by his friends and confessed by himself; and when he was chosen senator under the auspices that surrounded his selection in the early days of 1880, he felt as though he had gained one more stepping-stone toward the highest official honor within the reach of an American citizen, and that years of such service as he felt that he could give in that honorable station would secure an additional claim and yield a better preparation for the one yet higher. When his name was mentioned in various quarters in connection with the choice of his party in the National convention of 1880, he put the suggestion aside, with the remark that others, older and wiser in statesmanship than himself, should be chosen upon this occasion, while he could wait for the advancement of his claim at some time in the future. In accordance with the wish of a majority of the Republicans of Ohio, his influence was given to the support of Honorable John Sherman, who had served his country so well as senator and secretary of the treasury, and was counted among the leading candidates before the Chicago convention. To that convention Garfield was sent as a delegate-at-large from Ohio, and by his experience and ability was naturally chosen as the chairman of the delegation. When that historic gathering began its deliberations, on the second of June, he was one of its most conspicuous members, and by his moderation, good judgment, conciliatory attitude and eloquence, won the admiration and respect of delegates and spectators during the protracted sessions-until June 9-as the close and exciting contest was carried on; the Grant phalanx standing fast and determined that the hero of Appomattox should again lead his party to victory, and the opposition as yet unable to unite upon any of the candidates who had been yet openly proposed-James G. Blaine, George F. Edmunds, William Windom, John Sherman and E. B. Washburne. General Garfield made the speech that placed Mr. Sherman in nomination, and the manner in which it was delivered, and its effect upon the fortunes of all concerned, can be best described in the words of an eye-witness: "Every man concedes that General Garfield's speech was one of the best that has been delivered in the convention. If any man thinks that Garfield is not doing his level best in all honesty of purpose for Secretary Sherman, that speech should put his unworthy suspicions to blush. Delivered with all of Garfield's wonderful force, it had an effect upon all who heard it, and, while it presented Sherman as one who has great claims upon this country, it also shows Garfield in a most pleasing and attractive light. Himself liable to be struck by Presidential lightning, he yet stood up and battled manfully for his friend, and did it with all the force and vigor and eloquence that he could bring to his command. It helped Sherman, and yet, from that very fact, it helped Garfield also. Even a convention has honor for a man

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who honors his friends. From that moment it was his fate to grow, through no attempt of his, and because he had done his duty like a man." This speech was regarded as not only an eloquent plea for Mr. Sherman, but also as a timely effort to prevent the sharp differences of opinion that had been engendered by the situation, from weakening the party in the coming campaign; while his short speeches delivered from time to time on the pressing questions of each day as they presented themselves, were couched in a vein of wise moderation, while adhering firmly to the principle of district representation and the right of each delegate to cast his own vote. When the balloting commenced, one man in the Pennsylvania delegation who could not be held under the control of Senator Don Cameron, cast his vote for Garfield. Little attention was paid to it by the convention. The plan pursued by Garfield and the Ohio delegation was to keep Mr. Sherman steadily in the field, in the belief that the Blaine men, on seeing the impossibility of their own success, would come to the Ohio candidate and secure his nomination. At the end of the first day's voting it became plain that an attempt to make this combination would throw enough votes to Grant to make sure of his nomination. On the second day an attempt was made to combine upon Washburne or Edmunds, but without success. Finally, when the long struggle had reached the thirty-fourth ballot, a decision was reached by the Wisconsin delegates to attempt the break of the deadlock in a new direction. Their seventeen votes were solidly cast for James A. Garfield. The general immediately sprang to his feet and protested against the proceeding, making the point that no one had the right to vote for any member of the convention without his consent, "And that consent," he declared with the greatest emphasis, "I refuse to give." The chairman decided that the point was not well taken, and ordered the vote of Wisconsin to be counted. The applause that shook the immense gallaries-long since aroused to a fire of admiration by Garfield's presence and eloquenceshowed the temper of the people, and informed the convention that an adoption of Wisconsin's hint could not be a political mistake. Upon the call of the next ballot almost all of the Indiana delegation swung over to Garfield, while enough scattering votes came in from other states to give him a total of fifty votes. The excitement and enthusiasm grew with each passing moment, as convention and spectators began to understand that the climax was at hand. On the thirty-sixth ballot state after state declared for Garfield, and he was announced the nominee by the following votes: Garfield, 399; Grant, 306; Sherman, 3; Washburne, 5. Chester A. Arthur of New York was made candidate for vice-president, and the historic gathering adjourned and went before the country with a ticket that carried with it the very impress of victory from the day of its selection.

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