people, and of their representatives in congress assembled." No further steps were taken in the matter, although the President never saw reason to change his views. In his last annual message to congress, so late as December, 1876, he reverted once more to the question in order to again express his approval: "If my views had been concurred in the country would more prosperous condition to-day, both politically and financially." He then reviewed the whole matter briefly, concluding with these words: "I do not present these views now as a recommendation for a renewal of the subject of annexation, but I do refer to it to vindicate my previous action in regard to it." The knowledge and experience of after life caused no change in his attitude, as is shown by his own words, penned during the closing hours of his career.* "It is possible that the question of a conflict between races may come up in the future, as did that between freedom and slavery before. The condition of the colored man within our borders may become a source of anxiety, to say the least. But he was brought to our shores by compulsion, and he now should be considered as having as good a right to remain here as any other class of our citizens. It was looking to a settlement of this question that led me to urge the annexation of Santo Domingo during the time I was President of the United States. Santo Domingo was freely offered to us, not only by the administration but by the people, almost without price. The island is upon our shores, is very fertile, and is capable of supporting fifteen millions of people. The products of the soil are so valuable that labor in her fields would be so compensated as to enable those who wished to go there to quickly repay the cost of their passage. I took it that the colored people would go there in great numbers, so as to have independent states governed by their own race. They would still be states of the Union, and under the protection of the general government; but the citizens would be almost wholly colored." One of the great questions that claimed and received the attention of the President and congress during the latter part of 1869 and the early months of 1870, was the political and civil rights of the colored people, and the legislation needed to protect them in the exercise of those rights. The three states of those lately in rebellion that had not been admitted to representation or taken a part in the National election-Mississippi, Texas and Virginia-finally complied with all the requirements by the spring of 1870, and were therefore admitted to all the privileges which had been accorded to the other states of the south. The legislature of Georgia had already given the country to understand that the old spirit of intolerance ruled, and that the colored man was to be ignored in the law-making of the south, by expelling certain colored men from the seats to which they had been elected. The Fifteenth amendment was then rejected by a legislature *Personal Memoirs,' Vol. II, page 550.

composed exclusively of white men. The action of congress had been equally prompt, by passing a bill, on December 16, 1869, which declared "that the exclusion of persons from the legislature upon the ground of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, would be illegal and revolutionary, and is hereby prohibited." Georgia was therefore required, before her senators and representatives could take their seats in congress, to ratify the Fifteenth amendment to the Constitution. Her legislature was accordingly re-assembled, the colored members were given their seats, and. the amendment was duly ratified on February 2, 1870. Many believed this requirement to be harsh, and even unlawful, but the main body of the people supported the measure, and it had the full sympathy and support of President Grant.

The final ratification of the amendment was regarded by the President as so great a step in the onward march of events, that he employed a special message in which to officially notify congress of the fact. He spoke at length upon the character of the new Constitutional provision, and addressed words of counsel to both the white and colored races. He declared that in his opinion it was "a measure of grander importance than any other one act of the kind from the foundation of the government to the present time." "I call the attention of the newly enfranchised race," said he, "to the importance of striving in every honorable manner to make themselves worthy of their new privilege. To the race more favored heretofore by our laws, I would say: Withhold no legal privilege of advancement to the new citizens." He urged congress to do all that lay within its power to promote popular education throughout the country by all the means within its command, in order that universal suffrage might be based on universal intelligence. Among the other labors performed by the Executive during this year was the presentation of a special message relating to measures to be taken for increasing commerce and the building of our merchant marine, in which he favored a generous subsidy policy. He also presented one in relation to the affairs of Cuba, which was then engaged in a rebellion against Spain, and advocated a policy of strict neutrality. In August he issued a proclamation of neutrality, in view of the war between Germany and France, in which the duties of American citizens. were clearly defined. The negotiations with Great Britain for the settlement of the difficulties relating to the Alabama claims and the fisheries were still in progress, finally resulting in the treaty of Washington, in 1871, and the subsequent arbitration at Geneva. In these various important measures President Grant took a wise and conspicuous part, his treatment of the questions involved evincing a clear understanding and a dignified firmness in support of American rights, coupled with a desire that no step should be taken that would involve our country in a needless and bloody

up

war.

In his second annual message to congress, in December, 1870, the President dwelt at some length on the troubles that had recently arisen between the United States and Canada regarding the fishery question. The position he took can be briefly stated: He recounted the history of the various negotiations and treaties between the two countries upon that subject, and declared that vessels had been seized without notice, taken into colonial ports and condemned. There was reason to believe that this unfriendly and vexatious treatment was designed to bear harshly upon the United States fishermen with a view to political effect upon this government. The Canadian statutes, he declared, assume still broader and more untenable jurisdiction over United States vessels; they authorize officers or other persons to bring vessels hovering within three miles of the Canadian shore into port, search the cargo, examine the master on oath, and inflict severe penalties if true answers are not given. He then recapitulated another Canadian statute decreeing the forfeiture of vessels, and added: "It is not known that any condemnations have been made under this statute. Should the Canadian authorities attempt enforcing it, it will become the President's duty to take such steps as may be necessary to protect the rights of American citizens. . . In anticipation that an attempt may be made by the Canadian authorities in the coming season to repeat their unneighborly acts towards our fishermen, I recommend congress to confer on the Executive power to suspend by proclamation the laws now in force authorizing the transit of goods in bond across the territory of the United States to Canada; and further, should such an extreme measure become necessary, to suspend the operation of any laws whereby Canadian vessels are permitted to enter the waters of the United States." Other questions between the United States and foreign countries, including the Alabama claims, were discussed with calmness, but with a decision of policy and purpose equal to that indicated above. In relation to the currency question he said: "The average value of gold as compared with National currency for the whole of the year 1869 was about 134, and for eleven months of 1870 the same relative value has been about 115. The approach to a specie basis is very gratifying, but the fact cannot be denied that the instability of the value of our currency is prejudicial to our prosperity, and tends to keep up prices to the detriment of trade. The evils of a depreciated and fluctuating currency are so great that now, when the premium of gold has fallen so much, it would seem that the time has arrived when, by wise and prudent legislation, congress should look to a policy which would place our currency at par with gold at no distant day. The tax collected from the people has been reduced more than eighty millions of dollars per annum. By steadiness in our present course there is no reason why, in a few short years, the National tax-gatherer may not disap. pear from the door of the citizen almost entirely. . A true revenue

reform cannot be made in a day, but must be the work of National legislation and of time. The necessities of the country compel us to collect revenue from our imports.

An army of assessors and collectors is not a pleasant sight to the citizen, but that or a tariff for revenue is necessary. Such a tariff, so far as it acts as an encouragement to home production, affords employment to labor at living wages, in contrast to the pauper labor of the Old World, and also in the development of home resources."

The spirit of proscription and oppression that had been exhibited by the white people of the south toward their former slaves reached its culmination early in 1871, when the Ku Klux societies were making war upon the colored race, and internal disorders held sway all through the late Confederate states. Matters reached such a point at last that in March the President sent a special message to congress calling attention to these outrages, declaring that the evils were beyond the control of the state authorities, and expressing a doubt whether the power of the National Executive, acting within the limit of existing law, was sufficient for the emergency. He urgently recommended "such legislation as in the judgment of congress shall effectually secure life, liberty and property, and the enforcement of law in all parts of the United States." The response to this request was the passage of the act to enforce the provisions of the Fourteenth amendment to the Constitution, which empowered the President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus under certain defined circumstances. On May 4 the President issued a proclamation calling attention to this act and enjoining its observance. Therein occurred these words: "Fully sensible of the responsibility imposed upon the Executive by the act of congress to which public opinion is now called, and reluctant to call into exercise any of the extraordinary powers thereby conferred upon me, except in case of imperative necessity, I do nevertheless deem it my duty to make known that I will not hesitate to exhaust the power thus vested in the Executive whenever and wherever it shall become necessary to do so for the purpose of securing to all citizens of the United States the peaceful enjoyment of the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution and the laws." As disorders still continued, notably in South Carolina, a proclamation of warning was issued on October 12, followed by another on the seventeenth, which suspended the writ of habeas corpus in nine counties of that state. These vigorous proceedings, followed by uncompromising efforts to enforce the law, finally put an end to Ku Klux outrages and brought a return of comparative peace.

The connection of President Grant with the question of civil service reform has never been fully understood by a majority of the people, and he has lacked his full share of credit in that direction. No one saw more clearly than himself the dangers of old political methods, and the mistakes he made in

the matter of appointments at various stages of his Presidential career but served to emphasize the warning and make the danger more clear. In his second annual message to congress he called attention to the need of reform of some character, and said: "I would have it go beyond the mere fixing of the tenure of office of clerks and employés who do not require the advice and consent of the senate to make their appointments complete. I would have it govern, not the tenure, but the manner of making all appointments. There is no duty which so much embarrasses. the Executive and the heads of departments as that of appointments; nor is there any such arduous and thankless labor imposed on senators and representatives as that of finding places for their constituents. The present system does not secure the best men, and often not even fit men, for public place. The elevation and purification of the civil service of the government will be hailed with approval by the whole people of the United States." Immediate fruit was borne to some extent, as in Mach, 1871, by a clause in the sundry civil appropriation bill the President was authorized to "prescribe such rules and regulations for the admission of persons into the civil service of the United States as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and to ascertain the fitness of candidates." He was further authorized to employ suitable persons to conduct the needed inquiries, and to establish regulations for the conduct of persons who might receive appointments in the civil service. Under this authority the first civil service commission was appointed, consisting of George William Curtis, A. G. Cattell, Joseph Medill, D. A. Walker, E. B. Ellicott, Joseph H. Blackfan and David C. Cox. In the December following the President sent to congress the first report of the commission, with the rules adopted. for competitive examinations. In so doing he said: "We propose also that in this country the places in the public service shall be restored to those who are found to be fitted for them, and if anyone is disposed to think that an abuse of forty years is a law of the republican system, a little reflection will show him his error. If he believes a reform is impossible, he merely shows that he is a victim of the abuse, and forgets that in America every reform is possible." In continuation he declared himself determined to enforce the rules that had been adopted, and asked for them the official sanction of congress. "The improvement of the civil service," he said, "is emphatically the people's cause, the people's reform, and the administration which vigorously begins it will acquire a glory only less than that of the salvation of a free Union." That Grant was seriously in earnest in this matter there can be no doubt, and the failure and postponement of the good work that ensued in this first attempt was due to the half-hearted support of congress, the opposition of the politicians, and the absence of that public opinion which President Grant's attitude and arguments did so much to eventually arouse