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SENATE.]

Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c.

[FEB. 23, 1830.

of the honesty of the directors of the bank, his second in per, when any thing new is to be proposed, to state the command will, for himself, seek the destruction of the clauses, and make up an exposition of the principles of people's bank to climb the Presidential chair. his bill, before he submitted the formal motion for leave

Since the granting of the charter, though its officers to bring it in. And, before I do this, [said Mr. B.] I will had much to encounter, its friends have not been disap-make a single remark, to justify myself for presuming to pointed. All has been realized that its friends expected. propose a bill upon a subject which is already reported Through the efforts of the bank, it has not failed to es-upon, by the able and experienced Committee of Finance. tablish a uniform sound currency, the opinion of Mr. Van My justification is, that the bill of that committee does not Buren to the contrary notwithstanding. Out of his shell present the best mode of accomplishing its own object; he shall recede or advance. He would disgrace a cow- that a better one can be devised; and being myself the ard's grave to refuse, as an honest politician, to aver his first mover of the great plan of abolishing unnecessary dusentiments, and speak of the charter and constitutionality ties, on the extinguishment of the public debt, it is a natuof the bank. ral effect of the meditation which I have bestowed on the

The bank has thus far been faithful to the United States question, that something should have occurred to me, in transmitting their revenues to the most distant part of which has not presented itself to the minds of others. the Union, clear of expense to the people, and always This seems to be the case. Several bills have been reready to pay in gold, or silver, any just claim upon them. ported for the abolition of duties; one in this chamber; Why, then, has the message of the President, attacking some in the other end of the House; and no one has prethe legality of the bank, been made to Congress? Was sented the subject under my point of view. Good or bad, it to preserve the "axiom which divides the three great my plan is at least new, a bill of its own sort; a bill withclasses of power into constitutional checks, and sustain out precedent in the legislation of the country; and, in more effectually in practice" the rights of the people? bringing it forward, I discharge a duty to the Union, and He should have recollected, if "axioms" ever struck his to the public councils of which I am a member; and have mind, he has violated them, and, to recede, let him re- no other wish but that the wisdom and patriotism of the tract, so far as he wishes to favor the few. He states that Senate, from all that is presented, may select and prefer "both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law that which is best for the people of these States. creating the bank, are well questioned by a large portion The title of my bill is adapted to its contents, and disof our fellow-citizens." It is not the case. He has in-closes its object as distinctly as the compendious nature of terfered with one class of power-the Judiciary. The a title will admit. I will read it:

The Title.

only class of power that had a right to decide on the unconstitutionality of the charter of the United States Bank, known to our laws, was, and is, the Supreme Court of "A bill to provide for the abolition of unnecessary duthe United States, as the dernier resort. The "consti- ties; to relieve the people from sixteen millions of taxes; tutionality and the law creating the bank are well ques- and to improve the condition of the agriculture, manufac tioned," says the General; but I asscrt that the decision tures, commerce, and navigation, of the United States." of the Supreme Court in the matter is final, and forms a part of the supreme law of the land. It was questioned by legal talents of the first order in the United States, and such as would grace any Bench in the known world. They settled the question of the constitutionality of the law creating the charter of the bank, and by that decision the country was satisfied and prosperous, till the outward rats, one from the North, the other from the South, visited Washington. The decision of the court was, that the charter was constitutional.

The tenor of it is, not to abolish, but to provide for the abolition of the duties. This phraseology announces, that something in addition to the statute--some power in addition to that of the Legislature, is to be concerned in accomplishing the abolition. Then the duties for abolition are described as unnecessary ones; and under this idea is included the two-fold conception, that they are useless, cither for the protection of domestic industry, or for supplying the treasury with revenue. The relief of the people from sixteen millions of taxes is based upon Gen. Jackson now wants a National Bank. Like the the idea of an abolition of twelve millions of duties; the tariff, that he knew would be up for discussion under additional four millions being the merchant's profit upon Mr. Adams's administration, and dreading more difficulty, the duty he advances; which profit the people pay as a he thought it prudent neither to "seck an office nor to part of the tax, though the Government never receives it. decline one;" but his usual modesty invited him to re- It is the merchant's compensation for advancing the duty, sign, and cling to the willows and foliage of a "judi-and is the same as his profit upon the goods. The imcious" tariff. proved condition of the four great branches of national What detail has he given to Congress for the National industry is presented as the third object of the bill; and Bank? None. It is conjectured that, by a "judicious" one is meant the sword and purse combined. Farewell State rights, when the day comes that a National Bank is established under the arm of a tyrant! Farewell to religious and civil liberties, when crowned with a king and a consolidated government!

I shall have occasion to examine (or I may not) into some of the Departments, hereafter, to know who are in office, by affinity and consanguinity, to be more fully informed what is meant by reform. For the present, I have done.

their relative importance, in my estimation, classes itself according to the order of my arrangement. Agriculture, as furnishing the means of subsistence to man, and as the foundation of every thing else, is put foremost; manufactures, as preparing and fitting things for our use, stands second; commerce, as exchanging the superfluities of different countries, comes next; and navigation, as furnishing the chief means of carrying on commerce, closes the list of the four great branches of national industry. Though classed according to their respective importance, neither branch is disparaged. They are all great interests--all connected-all dependent upon each otherTUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1830. friends in their nature--for a long time friends in fact, under the operations of our Government; and only made ABOLITION OF DUTIES, TAXES, &c. enemies to each other, as they now are by a course of Mr. BENTON said he rose to ask the leave for which he legislation, which the approaching extinguishment of the gave notice on Friday last; and in doing so, he meant to public debt presents a fit opportunity for reforming and avail himself of the parliamentary rule, seldom followed ameliorating. The title of my bill declares the intention here, but familiar in the place from whence we drew our of the bill to improve the condition of each of them. rale-the British Parliament--and strictly right and pro-The abolition of sixteen millions of taxes would itself

173

FEB. 23, 1830.]

Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c.

[SENATE.

operate a great improvement in the condition of each; equal amount upon our productions. This is what no but the intention of the bill is not limited to that inciden- law, or separate act of our own, can command. tal and consequential improvement, great as it may be; it ble arrangements alone, with foreign Powers, can effect proposes a positive, direct, visible, tangible, and counta- it; and to free such arrangements from serious, perhaps Amicable benefit to each; and this I shall prove and demonstrate, insuperable difficulties, it would be necessary first to lay not in this brief illustration of the title of my bill, but at a foundation for them in an act of Congress. This is what the proper places, in the course of the examination into my bill proposes to do. its provisions and exposition of its principles. to the Executive to extend the provisions of the act to select the articles for abolition of duty, and then leave it It proposes that Congress shall such Powers as will grant us equivalent advantages. The articles enumerated for abolition of duty are of kinds no ground of alarm or uneasiness to any branch of donot made in the United States, so that my bill presents

I will now proceed with the bill, reading each section in its order; and making the remarks upon it which are necessary to explain its object and to illustrate its operation. The First Section.

The Extract.

vigation of the United States, the question is, in what way "Such being the restrictions on the commerce and nathey may best be removed, modified, or counteracted?

"That, for the term of ten years, from and after the first day of January, in the year 1832, or, as soon there-mestic industry. after as may be agreed upon between the United States and any foreign Power, the duties now payable on the the plan which I propose, and for that I have the authoThe acquisition of equivalents is a striking feature in importation of the following articles, or such of them as rity of him whose opinions will never be invoked in vain, may be agreed upon, shall cease and determine, or be re- while republican principles have root in our soil. I speak duced, in favor of such countries as shall, by treaty, grant of Mr. Jefferson, and of his report on the commerce and equivalent advantages to the agriculture, manufactures, navigation of the United States, in the year '93, an extract commerce, and navigation, of the United States, viz: cof- from which I will read. fee, cocoa, olives, olive oil, figs, raisins, prunes, almonds, currants, camphor, alum, opium, quicksilver, Spanish brown, copperas, tin and brass, in sheets and plates for manufacturers' use, black bottles and demijohns, silks, wines, linens, cambrics, lawns, Canton crapes, cashmere shawls, gauze, ribbons, straw mats, bolting cloths, thread and slk lace, bombazine and worsted stuff goods, spirits not made of grain, nor coming in competition with domestic spirits; on the following description of cotton goods not manufactured in the United States, viz: chintzes, ly arrangements is the most eligible. Instead of embarmuslins, cambrics, velvet cords, china and porcelain, and rassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, Brussels carpeting, Peruvian bark, chronometers, sex-and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles, tants, parts of watches, amber, pine apples, juniper ber- in all parts of the world--could every country be employries and oil of juniper, Italian and French crapes, gall ed in producing that which nature has best fitted it to pronuts, essence of bergamot and other essences used as duce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual perfumes, madder, turtle shell, and ox horn tips. Also, on the following description of woollen goods, not would then be produced, of those things which contrisurplusses, for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible manufactured in the United States, and necessary in car-bute to human life and human happiness; the numbers rying on the Indian trade, to wit: of mankind would be increased, and their condition bettered.

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Also, Indian gartering, vermillion, taffeta, ribbons, pocket looking glasses, beads, Indian awls, brass inlaid knives, scarlet milled caps, sturgeon twine."

arrangements with the several nations with whom these "As to commerce, two methods occur. 1. By friendly restrictions exist: or, 2. By the separate act of our own Legislatures, for countervailing their effects.

"There can be no doubt but that, of these two, friend

"Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation; since it is one by one only that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost on commerce, its freedom might be modified in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others.

"Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce, in all its extent, might be willing to mollify its restrictions and regulations, for us, in proportion to the advantages which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly they may concur with us in reciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty, by equivalent advantages of another nature. Our commerce

is certainly of a character to entitle it to favor in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convemanufactures, when they have received the last finish of nient subjects of revenue; and we take in exchange either art and industry, or mere luxuries. Such customers may This section contains the principle which I consider as every market-customers, too, whose demands, increasreasonably expect welcome and friendly treatment at new-that of abolishing duties by the joint act of the ing with their wealth and population, must very shortly Legislative and Executive Departments. equivalents, which the section also presents, is not new, whatever, in any line of supply they may get into the The idea of give full employment to the whole industry of any nation but has for its sanction high and venerated authority, of habit of calling for from it. which I shall not fail to avail myself. have equivalents for abolishing ten or twelve millions of pose it may better find its advantage by continuing its That we ought to "But, should any nation, contrary to our wishes, supduties on foreign merchandise is most clear. Such an system of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behooves abolition will be an advantage to foreign Powers, for which us to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, they ought to compensate us, by reducing duties to an by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also,

SENATE.]

Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c.

[FEB. 23, 1830

Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in ex- to prohibition on our grain and provisions; and either tochange for restrictions and vexations; nor are they likely tally excludes, or enormously taxes, every article, except to produce a relaxation of them.” cotton, that we send to her ports. In France, our tobacco The plan which I now propose adopts the idea of is subject to a royal monopoly, which makes the king the equivalents and retaliation to the whole extent recom- sole purchaser, and subjects the seller to the necessity of mended by Mr. Jefferson. It differs from his plan in two taking the price which his agents will give. In Germany, features: first, in the mode of proceeding, by founding our tobacco, and other articles, are heavily dutied, and the treaties abroad upon a legislative act at home; secondly, liable to a transit duty, in addition, when they have to asin combining protection with revenue, in selecting articles cend the Rhine, or other rivers, to penetrate the interior. of exception to the system of free trade. This degree of In the West Indies, which is our great provision market, protection he admitted himself, at a later period of his our beef, pork, and flour, usually pay from eight to ten life. It corresponds with the recommendation of Presi- dollars a barrel; our bacon, from ten to twenty-five cents dent Washington to Congress, in the year '90, and with a pound; live hogs, eight dollars each; corn, corn-meal, that of our present Chief Magistrate, to ourselves, at the lumber, whiskey, fruit, vegetables, and every thing else, commencement of the present session of Congress. in proportion; the duties in the different islands, on an will read them, to sustain and support the principles on average, equalling or exceeding the value of the article which my bill is founded. in the United States. We export about forty-five millions of domestic productions, exclusive of manufactures, annu"Our safety and interest require that we should pro-near that sum in the shape of duties, for the privilege of ally; and it may be safely assumed that we have to pay mote such manufactories as tend to render us independent selling these exports in foreign markets. So much for on others for essential, particularly for military supplies."agriculture. Our manufactures are in the same condition. President Jackson, in 1829. In many branches they have met the home demand, and

President Washington, in 1790.

*hundred thousand dollars; cabinet, coach, and other wooden work, six hundred thousand dollars; glass and iron, three hundred thousand dollars; and numerous smaller items. This large amount of manufactures pays their value, in some instances more, for the privilege of being sold abroad; and, what is worse, they are totally excluded from several countries from which we buy largely. Such restrictions and impositions are highly injurious to our manufactures; and it is incontestably true, the amount of exports prove it, that what most of them now need is, not more protection at home, but a better market abroad; and it is one of the objects of this bill to obtain such a market for them.

It con

"It may be regretted that the complicated restrictions are going abroad in search of foreign markets. They meet which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not, with vexatious restrictions, peremptory exclusions, or opby common consent, be abolished, and commerce allowed pressive duties, wherever they go. The quantity already to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise-exported entitles them to national consideration, in the always its surest guide-might direct it. But we must list of exports. Their aggregate value for 1828 was ever expect selfish legislation in other nations; and are, about five millions of dollars, comprising domestic cottons, therefore, compelled to adapt our own to their regula- to the amount of a million of dollars; soap and candles, to tions, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious inju- the value of nine hundred thousand dollars; boots, shoes, ry, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agri- and saddlery, five hundred thousand dollars; hats, three culture, our commerce, and our manufactures. The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war." These extracts from the Presidents Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson, cover all the principles which are contained in my bill; the mode of action, the means of putting them into operation, is the only part that is new and original. To this part I can see no objection but to its novelty: for it is free from all difficulty on the score of constitutionality or expediency, and combines the advan- It appears to me, [said Mr. B.] to be a fair and practitages of equivalents with those of retaliation: for, if any cable plan, combining the advantages of legislation and nation refuses to reciprocate an abolition or reduc- negotiation, and avoiding the objections to each. tion of duties with us, our heavy duties remain in sults the sense of the people, in leaving it to their Repreforce against her, and she pays the penalty of her refusal sentatives to say on what articles duties shall be abolished in the loss of some essential branch of her trade with us. for their relief; on what they shall be retained for protecI will not now stop to dilate upon the benefit which will tion and revenue; it then secures the advantage of obtainresult to every family from an abolition of duties which ing equivalents, by referring it to the Executive to exwill enable them to get all the articles enumerated in my tend the benefit of the abolition to such nations as shall bill for about one-third, or one-half less, than is now paid reciprocate the favor. To such as will not reciprocate, for them. Let any one read over the list of articles, and it leaves every thing as it now stands. The success of then look to the sum total which he now pays out annually this plan can hardly be doubted. It addresses itself to for them, and from that sum deduct near fifty per cent. the two most powerful passions of the human heart-intewhich is about the average of the duties and merchant's rest and fear; it applies itself to the strongest principles profit included, with which they now come charged to of human action--profit and loss. For, there is no nation him. This deduction will be his saving under one branch with whom we trade but will be benefited by the inof my plan the abolition clause. To this must be added creased trade of her staple productions, which will result the gain under the clause to secure equivalents in foreign from a free trade in such productions; none that would markets, and the two being added together, the saving in not be crippled by the loss of such a trade, which loss purchases at home being added to the gain in sales abroad, would be the immediate effect of rejecting our system. will give the true measure of the advantages which my Our position enables us to command the commercial plan presents. system of the globe; to mould it to our own plan, for the Let us now see whether the agriculture and manufac-benefit of the world and ourselves. The approaching extures of the United States do not require better markets tinction of the public debt puts it into our power to abolabroad than they possess at this time. What is the state ish twelve millions of duties, and to set free more than of these markets? Let facts reply. England imposes a one-half of our entire commerce. We should not forego, duty of three shillings sterling a pound upon our tobacco, nor lose the advantages of such a position. It occurs but which is ten times its value. She imposes duties equivalent seldom in the life of a nation, and once missed, is irre

FEB. 23, 1830.]

Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c.

[SENATE.

trievably gone, to the generation at least, that saw and ne-mon, nutmegs, cassia, ginger, ivory, Turkey carpets, glected the golden opportunity. We have complained, Cashmere shawls."

Third Section.

and justly, of the burthens upon our exports in foreign This section presents an exception to the principle of countries; a part of our tariff system rests upon the prin- the bill; it dispenses with the idea of obtaining equivalents ciple of retaliation for the injury thus done us. Retalia- in the enumerated articles. The exception is the effect of tion, heretofore, has been our only resource: but reci- necessity; the articles excepted being desirable to us, and procity of injuries is not the way to enrich nations any obtained from Powers with whom we have no treaties. more than individuals. It is an unprofitable contest," The exception is unavoidable, but it is not wholly disadunder every aspect. But the present conjuncture, pay-vantageous. We shall get the articles for one-third and ment of the public debt, in itself a rare and almost unprece-one-half less than we now pay for them; and if two or dented occurrence in the history of nations, enables us to three millions of revenue should be suddenly wanted, they enlarge our system; to present a choice of alternatives: present the ready means of raising it. The abolition beone fraught with good, the other charged with evil, to fo- ing by law alone, the duty may be laid again by law whenreign nations. The participation, or exclusion, from forty ever needed. millions of free trade, annually increasing, would not admit of a second thought, in the head of any nation with "That, from and after the 31st day of December, ir which we trade. To say nothing of her gains in the par- the year 1831, a duty of thirty-three and a third per cent. ticipation in such a commerce, what would be her loss in on the value, shall be levied on all furs and raw hides imthe exclusion from it? How would England, France, or ported into the United States, from countries which shall Germany, bear the loss of their linen, silk, or wine trade, not have secured their free admission by granting equivawith the United States? How could Cuba, St. Domingo, lent advantages to the like productions of the United States." or Brazil, bear the loss of their coffee trade with us? This section, to a superficial observer, may seem to miliThey could not bear it at all. Deep and essential injury, tate against the plan of the bill; but the inconsistency is in ruin of industry, seditions, and bloodshed, and the over- appearance only. It harmonizes completely with the throw of administrations, would be the consequence of spirit of the bill. It provides for a future, eventual, and such loss. Yet such loss would be inevitable, (and not to contingent duty, upon two articles now introduced, free the few nations, or in the articles only which I have men- of duty, to a great amount. The terms in which the sectioned, for I have put a few instances only by way of ex- tion is drawn show that its object is to obtain equivalents ample) but to every nation with whom we trade, that for their future free importation; and the following table would not fall into our system, and throughout the whole of their annual imports, for the last nine years, will show list of essential articles to which our abolition extends. the great value of the argument which they will put into Our present heavy duties would continue in force against the hands of the Executive, in the negotiations to which such nations; they would be abolished in favor of their the section may give rise. rivals. We would say to them, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, free trade and navigation is not to be given in exchange for restrictions and vexations! But I feel entire confidence that it would not be necessary to use the lan- Years ending Value of Furs. Raw Hides Value guage of menace or coercion. Amicable representations, 30th Sept. addressed to their sense of self-interest, would be more agreeable, and not less effectual. The plan cannot fail! It is scarcely within the limits of possibility that it should fail! And if it did, what then? We have lost nothing. We remain as we were. Our present duties are still in force, and Congress can act upon them one or two years hence, in any way they please.

Here, then, is the peculiar recommendation to my plan, that, while it secures a chance, little short of absolute, certainty, of procuring an abolition of twelve millions of duties upon our exports in foreign countries, in return for an abolition of twelve millions of duties upon imports from them, it exposes nothing to risk; the abolition of duty up. on the foreign article here being contingent upon the acquisition of the equivalent advantage abroad.

The Table.

and Skins.

Total Value.

1821

224,193

892,530

1,116,722

1822

296,339

2,041,463

2,337,802.

1823

273,088

2,084,082

2,357,170

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The aggregate exceeds twenty millions of dollars for the short period of the last nine years. And these free I close this exposition of the principles of the first sec-importations, so injurious to the fur trader, and the farmtion of my bill with the single remark, that these treaties ers who raise cattle and want a market for their skins, for the mutual abolition of duties should be for limited are derived from countries who exclude, or heavily tax, terms, say for seven or ten years, to give room for the our furs and raw hides, and the articles manufactured modifications which time, and the varying pursuits of in- out of them. They come, chiefly, from the Southern redustry, may show to be necessary. Upon this idea, the publics and Great Britain. If such large importations are bill is framed, and the period of ten years inserted by way to continue free, let those who enjoy the benefit reciproof suggestion and exemplification of the plan. Another feature is too obvious to need a remark, that the time for the commencement of the abolition of duties is left to the Executive, who can accommodate it to the state of the revenue and the extinction of the public debt.

cate the favor. Let them abolish duties on American furs and American hats. Let them abolish duties on our raw hides; and where the privilege of sending hides would not be beneficial to us, as in the Southern republics, let something else be substituted for the abolition; as distilled spirits, manufactures of leather, cotton, glass, wood, &c. If they do not reciprocate advantages, thus offered, the pen"That, from and after the 31st day of December, inalty of their own election falls upon them. They incur the the year 1831, the duties now payable on the following ar- consequence denounced by Mr. Jefferson in the patriotic ticles, imported from countries with which the United declaration, that free trade is not to be given in exchange States have no diplomatic relations, shall be reduced one-for restrictions and vexations.

Second Section.

half; and, after the 31st of December, 1833, shall cease Here, sir, I make a single remark to illustrate the neand determine entirely, to wit: teas, mace, cloves, cinna-glect with which the West has been treated in the progress

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1. PROTECTION; 2. RETALIATION.

[FEB. 23, 1830.

of the tariff policy. The West produces furs and raw hides; they are leading articles of Western industry; yet Under the first principle we sought a home supply of no protection has been extended to them; the protective articles essential to our general independence, and to our policy has never reached them; the country has been fil-safety in time of war. led with foreign hides and foreign furs, free of duty, while the firs and hides of the United States, and the articles manufactured from them, are met by prohibitions, or heavy duties, in all quarters of the globe. Fourth Section.

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Under the second principle we retaliate upon other nations the evils of their own policy in piling duties upon our productions.

It is not to be dissembled that the tariff policy, on both principles, has powerfully appealed to the sympathies and the patriotism of the American people, and while kept within reasonable limits had the general approbation of all quarters of the Union; North, South, West, and Centre. The tariff policy has been in force in these States forty years, and has only excited discontent within the last ten or fifteen years, and since it has been pushed beyond its own principles. The results are, increased duties at home and abroad; imports burthened, and exports burthenedthe candle lit at both ends.

"That, from and after the 31st day of December, in the year the amount levied on foreign tonnage for light money,' shall cease and determine, in favor of the ships of such nations as shall grant the like or an equivalent favor to the merchant ships of the United States." The object of this section is to gain some little relief for our navigating interest in foreign ports. The amount now paid by foreigners for "light money," that is to say, as a tribute to our light houses, is about fifteen thousand dollars per annum. Such a sum is no object to the treasury} Under the plan which I propose, the tariff question will of the United States, yet it is something to our ship own-present itself to the people in this point of view: ers, for whose benefit the abolition of this small tax is in- 1. Protection to every essential branch of industry. tended. Nominally, it is a relief to foreigners; in reality, 2. Retaliation, as an alternative, where equivalents are to our own navigators. The foreigners cannot be relieved here until the corresponding relief is secured abroad; and, as our shipping is most numerous, we may gain much more than we relinquish.

Fifth Section.

refused.

3. Reciprocity of benefits instead of reciprocity of injuries. 4. The abolition of twelve millions of duties, at home, on imports.

5. The abolition of an equal amount of duties, abroad,

That, from and after the 31st day of December, in the yearthe duties now payable on tonnage, pass-on exports. ports, and clearances, and on the re-exportation of imported articles, shall cease and determine."

The

The amount of these little taxes and duties is about two hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum. treasury will have no occasion for that sum after the extinguishment of the public debt; and being left in the pockets of the ship owners and merchants, will be felt as an advantage by them, and not missed as a loss by the Government. Sixth Section.

"That, from and after the 31st day of December next, the duty now payable on the importation of alum salt, coarse or ground, shall cease and determine; and from and after the same day, all laws authorizing allowances to fishing vessels, and bounties on the exportation of pickled fish, shall be, and the same hereby are, repealed."

6. Discrimination between the articles which a wise policy requires, or does not require, to be made at home, and between the nations which grant or refuse us equiva

lents.

7. Increased importations of gold and silver.

8. Increased value of the internal trade with Mexico. The results of the new plan, according to this view of its advantages, would be overwhelming in its favor. Let us verify these results, and justify these views.

In the first place, under the protecting principle which it contains, duties will remain on foreign articles, rivals of our own industry, to the amount of about ten millions of dollars. The support of the Government will require this sum, and the raising of this sum will give protection to our domestic industry; it will give it as an incident to the collection of revenue, and to this there will be no objection in any part of the Union.

This section stands out as a clear exception to the peculiar policy of the bill-that of obtaining equivalents by treaty stipulation. The section proposes a speedy repeal In the second place, we shall terminate the unprofitable of the duty on this description of salt, and by operation of contest which we are now carrying on with foreign nations law alone. The reasons for this exception, are-first, in--a contest in which the only question is, which shall do the prime necessity and universality of the use of the most harm to the commerce of the other--and substitute for article; secondly, in the small object it would present for it a beneficial rivalry in the walks of free trade, based upon negotiation, the number of Powers from which we get salt the unfettered exchange of surplus productions, to the being above a dozen, which would render abolition by amount of forty millions at the start, to increase annually negotiation tedious and dilatory, and the amount of duty with the rapid growth and expansion of these young athrelinquished to each, too inconsiderable to affect her letic States.

policy, while the aggregate to us is great; thirdly, in the In the third place, the abolition of twelve millions of necessity of repealing the fishing bounties and allowances, duties will be the repeal of sixteen millions of taxes, countwhich are dependent upon the duty on this description of ing the merchant's profit at 33 per cent; and this repeal foreign salt, and must stand or fall with that duty. will be felt in every family in the purchase of its necessa

I have now finished the exposition of the features and ries, its comforts, and its luxuries. Linen for the person, principles of my bill; but justice to my plan and to myself the table, and the bed, would be one-third cheaper. Coffee will not permit me to stop here. The plan is new; and would be seven cents cheaper in the pound; tea, one-third; whatever is new has the prejudices of time and age to wines and silks, one-third; and so of all the articles enuencounter, and the fears of timidity and caution to over-merated in the bill. Every family would save one-third, come. Its novelty will excite many enemies; the reasons or upwards, of its annual store account; every State would which I may give, and which are the fruit of much re-retain, within its limits, its proportion of these sixteen search and meditation, may satisfy some and convert them millions; and all the shame and mischief of plotting and into friends. combining, and wrangling, here, about the division of so much spoil, would be avoided.

It certainly presents the tariff question under a new point of view to the American people.

That question has heretofore rested upon two great principles:

In the fourth and fifth places, the principle of equivalents would gain an abolition of duties on our productions in foreign ports, equal to the abolition made here upon

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