1.11.

[SENATE.

owner is presented by the example of certain benevolent not true, as has been supposed, that the advantages of this associations and charitable individuals elsewhere. Shed- labor is confined almost exclusively to the Southern States. ding weak tears over sufferings which had existence only Sir, I am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, the in their own sickly imaginations, these "friends of hu- States North of the Potomac actually derive greater promanity" set themselves systematically to work to seduce fits from the labor of our slaves, than we do ourselves. It the slaves of the South from their masters. By means of appears, from our public documents, that, in seven years, missionaries and political tracts, the scheme was in a great (from 1821 to 1827 inclusive) the six Southern States exmeasure successful. Thousands of these deluded victims ported to the amount of one hundred and ninety millions of fanaticism were seduced into the enjoyment of free- three hundred and thirty-seven thousand two hundred and dom in our Northern cities. And what has been the con- eighty-one dollars; and imported to the value of fifty-five sequence? Go to these cities now, and ask the question. millions six hundred and forty-six thousand three hundred Visit the dark and narrow lanes, and obscure recesses. and one donals. Now, the difference between these two which have been assigned by common consent as the sums, near one hundred and forty millions of dollars, passabodes of those outcasts of the world--the free people of ed through the hands of the Northern merchants, and encolor. Sir, there does not exist, on the face of the whole abled them to carry on their commercial operations wit earth, a populatic: so poor, so wretched, so vile, so loath-all the world. Such part of these goods as found its way some, so utterly destitute of all the comforts, convenien- back to our hands, came charged with the duties, as well ces, and decencies of life, as the unfortunate blacks of as the profits of the merchant, the ship owner, and a host Philadelphia, and New York, and Boston. Liberty has of others, who found employment in carrying on these been to them the greatest of calamities, the heaviest of immense exchanges; and, for such part as was consumed curses. Sir, I have had some opportunities of making at the North, we received in exchange Northern manufac comparisons between the condition ef the free negroes of tures, charged with an increased price, to cover all the the North and the slaves of the South, and the compari- taxes which the Northern consumer had been compelled son has left not only an indelible impression of the supe- to pay on the imported article. It will be seen, therefore, rior advantages of the latter, but has gone far to reconcile at a glance, how much slave labor has contributed to the me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so forcibly that wealth and prosperity of the United States; and how touching description, "the foxes have holes, and the largely our Northern brethren have participated in the birds of the air have nests, but the son of man hath not profits of that labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an where to lay his head," as when I have seen this unhappy authority which will, I doubt not, be considered by the race, naked and houseless, almost starving in the streets, Senator from Massachusetts as entitled to high respect. It and abandoned by all the world. Sir, I have seen in the is from the great father of the American System-honest neighborhood of one of the most moral, religious, and Mathew Carey; no great friend, it is true, at this time, to refined cities of the North, a family of free blacks, driven Southern rights and Southern interests, but not the worst to the caves of the rock, and there obtaining a precari- authority, on that account, on the point in question. ous subsistence from clarity and plunder.

Speaking of the relative importance to the Union of the When the gentleman from Massachusetts adopts and Southern and the Eastern States, Mathew Carey, in the reiterates the old charge of weakness as resulting from sixth edition of his "Olive Branch," page 278, after exbislavery, I must be permitted to call for the proof of those biting a number of statistical tables, to show the decided blighting effects which he ascribes to its influence. I sus-superiority, of the former, thus proceeds:

pect that when the subject is closely examined, it will be "But I am tired of this investigation. I sicken for the found that there is not much force even in the plausible honor of the human species. What idea must the world objection of the want of physical power in slave holding form of the arrogance of the pretensions on the one side, States. The power of a country is compounded of its [the East] and of the folly and weakness of the rest of the population and its wealth; and, in modern times, where, Union, to have so long suffered them to pass without exfrom the very form and structure of society, by far the posure and detection? The naked fact is, that the demagreater portion of the people must, even during the con- gogues in the Eastern States, not satisfied with deriving tinuance of the most desolating wars, be employed in the all the benefit from the Southern section of the Union cultivation of the soil, and other peaceful pursuits, it may that they would from so many wealthy colonies; with makbe well doubted whether slave holding States, by reason ing princely fortunes by the carriage and exportation of of the superior value of their productions, are not able to its bulky and valuable productions, and supplying it with maintain a number of troops in the field, fully equal to their own manufactures, and the productions of Europe, what could be supported by States with a larger white and the East and West Indies, to an enormous amount, population, but not possessed of equal rescurces. and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated it with It is a popular error to suppose, that, in any possible outrage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital state of things, the people of a country could ever be call-interests, the Eastern States were lately courting their own ed out en masse, or that a half, or a third, or even a fifth destruction, by allowing a few restless, turbulent men, to part of the physical force of any country could ever be lead them blindfold to a separation, which was pregnant brought into the field. The difficulty is not to procure with their certain ruin. Whenever that event takes place men, but to provide the means of maintaining them; and they sink into insignificance. If a separation were desirin this view of the subject, it may be asked whether the able to any part of the Union, it would be to the Middle Southern States are not a source of strength and power, and Southern States, particularly the latter, who have and not of weakness, to the country? whether they have been so long harassed with the complaints, the restlessnot contributed, and are not now contributing, largely, to ness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude, of the Eastern the wealth and prosperity of every State in this Union? States, that their patience has been tried almost beyond From a statement which I hold in my hand, it appears endurance. Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked;' and he will that, in ten years (from 1818 to 1827 inclusive) the whole be severely punished for his kicking, in the event of a disamount of the domestic exports of the United States was solution of the Union."

five hundred and twenty-one millions eight hundred and Sir, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not eleven thousand and forty-five dollars. Of which, three adopt these sentiments as my own. I quote them to show articles, the product of slave labor, namely, cotton, rice, and that very different sentiments have prevailed in former tobacco, amounted to three hundred and thirty-nine millions times, as to the weakness of the slave holding States, from two hundred and three thousand two hundred and thirty-those which now seem to have become fashionable in certain two dollars; equal to about two-thirds of the whole. It is quarters. I know it has been supposed, by certain ill in

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 25, 1830.

formed persons, that the South exists only by the counte- fatal effects of slavery upon character; if any one can say nance and protection of the North. Sir, this is the idlest that, for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, of all idle and ridiculous fancies that ever entered into the exalted virtue, and a pure and holy devotion to liberty, mind of man. In every State of this Union, except one, the people of the Southern States have ever been surpas the free white population actually preponderates; while in sed by any in the world. I know, sir, that this devotion to the British West India Islands, where the average white liberty has sometimes been supposed to be at war with our population is less than ten per cent. of the whole, the institutions; but it is in some degree the result of those slaves are kept in entire subjection. It is preposte- very institutions. Burke, the most philosophical of statesrous to suppose that the Southern States could ever men, as he was the most accomplished of orators, well find the smallest difficulty in this respect. On this sub- understood the operation of this principle, in elevating the ject, as in all others, we ask nothing of our Northern sentiments and exalting the principles of the people in brethren but to "let us alone;" leave us to the undisturb- slaveholding States. I will conclude my remarks on this ed management of our domestic concerns, and the direc-branch of the subject, by reading a few passages from his tion of our own industry, and we will ask no more. Sir, speech "on moving his resolutions for conciliation with all our difficulties on this subject have arisen from inter- the colonies, the 22d of March, 1775.” ference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again "There is a circumstance attending the Southern codisturb, our domestic tranquillity, just so far as to bring lonies, which makes the spirit of liberty still more high down punishment upon the heads of the unfortunate vic- and haughty than in those to the Northward. It is, that tims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity. in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of

There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is con- slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, stantly "walking to and fro about the earth, seeking whom those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous it may devour." It is the spirit of false philanthropy. The of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoy persons whom it possesses do not indeed throw them- ment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, selves into the flames, but they are employed in lighting as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad up the torches of discord throughout the community. and general as the air, that it may be united with much Their first principle of action is to leave their own affairs, abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of serand neglect their own duties, to regulate the affairs and vitude, liberty looks among them like something more nothe duties of others. Theirs is the task to feed the hun- ble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the supegry and clothe the naked, of other lands, whilst they thrust rior morality of this sentiment, which has, at least, as much the naked, famished, and shivering beggar from their own of pride as virtue in it; but I cannot alter the nature of doors; to instruct the heathen, while their own children man. The fact is so, and these people of the Southern want the bread of life. When this spirit infuses itself in- colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and to the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can be more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty, than those to called a statesman) it converts him at once into a visionary the Northward. Such were all the ancient commonenthusiast. Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams of wealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such, in our national greatness and prosperity. He discovers that days, were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves "liberty is power;" and not content with vast schemes of who are not slaves themselves. In such a people, the improvement at home, which it would bankrupt the trea- haughtiness of domination, combined with the spirit of freesury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands, to dom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible." fulfil obligations to "the human race," by inculcating the In the course of my former remarks, I took occasion to principles of "political and religious liberty," and promot- deprecate, as one of the greatest of evils, the consolidaing the "general welfare" of the whole human race. It tion of this Government. The gentleman takes alarm at is a spirit which has long been busy with the slaves of the the sound. "Consolidation," like the "tariff," grates South, and is even now displaying itself in vain efforts to upon his ear. He tells us, "we have heard much, of late, drive the Government from its wise policy in relation to the about consolidation; that it is the rallying word for all who Indians. It is this spirit which has filled the land with are endeavoring to weaken the Union by adding to the thousands of wild and visionary projects, which can have power of the States.' But consolidation, says the genno effect but to waste the energies and dissipate the re-tleman, was the very object for which the Union was sources of the country. It is the spirit, of which the as- formed; and in support of that opinion, he read a passage piring politician dexterously avails himself, when, by inscribing on his banner the magical words “liberty and philanthropy," he draws to his support that entire class of persons who are ready to bow down at the very names of their idols.

from the address of the President of the Convention to Congress (which he assumes to be authority on his side of the question.) But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. The object of the framers of the constitution, as disclosed in that address, was not the consolidation of the Government, But, sir, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to but "the consolidation of the Union." It was not to the effect of slavery on national wealth and prosperity, if draw power from the States, in order to transfer it to a we may trust to experience, there can be no doubt that it great National Government, but, in the language of the has never yet produced any injurious effect on individual constitution itself, "to form a more perfect union;" and or national character. Look through the whole history of by what means? By "establishing justice," "promotthe country, from the commencement of the Revolution ing domestic tranquillity," and "securing the blessings of down to the present hour; where are there to be found liberty to ourselves and our posterity." This is the true readbrighter examples of intellectual and moral greatness, than ing of the constitution. But, according to the gentleman's have been exhibited by the sons of the South? From the reading, the object of the constitution was to consolidate Father of his Country, down to the distinguished chieftain the Government, and the means would seem to be, the who has been elevated, by a grateful people, to the highest promotion of injustice, causing domestic discord, and deoffice in their gift, the interval is filled up by a long line priving the States and the people "of the blessings of of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes, justly entitled to liberty" forever. The gentleman boasts of belonging to rank among the ornaments of their country, and the bene- the party of national republicans, National republicans! factors of mankind. Look at "the Old Dominion," great a new name, sir, for a very old thing. The national reand magnanimous Virginia, "whose jewels are her sons." publicans of the present day were the federalists of '98, Is there any State in this Union which has contributed so who became federal republicans during the war of 1812, much to the honor and welfare of the country? Sir, I and were manufactured into national republicans somewill yield the whole question; I will acknowledge the where about the year 1825. As a party, (by whatever

49

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

name distinguished) they have always been animated by be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it would be celethe same principles, and have kept steadily in view a com- brated in verse, and set to music." mon object-the consolidation of the Government. Sir, the party to which I am proud of having belonged disposed to sing the praises of the tariff in doggerel verse from the very commencement of my political life to the to the tune of "Old Hundred.” I am not at all surprised, gentleman, in mockery of our complaints, may be himself present day, were the democrats of '98. Anarchists, anti- however, at the aversion of the gentleman to the very Sir, perhaps the federalists, revolutionists, I think they were sometimes name of tariff. called. cans in 1812, and have retained their name and their prin- greatly mistaken, the Senator from Massachusetts was a They assumed the name of democratic republi- some very unpleasant recollections to his mind. If I am not ciples up to the present hour. I doubt not that it must always bring up faith, they have always, as a party, been in favor of limita- against the tariff. It has generally been supposed that True to their political leading actor at a great meeting got up in Boston in 1820, tions of power; they have insisted that all powers not he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meeting, dedelegated to the Federal Government are reserved, and nouncing the tariff system as unequal, oppressive, and have been constantly struggling, as they are now strug- unjust; and, if I am not much mistaken, denying its congling, to preserve the rights of the States, and prevent stitutionality. Certain it is that the gentleman made a them from being drawn into the vortex, and swallowed up speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions, by one great consolidated Government. quainted with the history of parties in this country will my memory serves me, calling its constitutionality in recognize in the points now in dispute between the Senator question. I regret that I have not been able to lay my Sir, any one ac- denouncing the system in no very measured terms; and if from Massachusetts and myself, the very grounds which hands on those proceedings, but I have seen them, and I have, from the beginning, divided the two great parties in cannot be mistaken in their character. this country, and which (call these parties by what names the Senator from Massachusetts entertained the very senyou will, and amalgamate them as you may) will divide timents in relation to the tariff which the South now enthem forever. The true distinction between those parties tertains. At that time, sir, We next find the Senator from Massachusetts

is laid down in a celebrated manifesto issued by the con- expressing his opinion on the tariff as a member of the vention of the federalists of Massachusetts, assembled in House of Representatives from the city of Boston in 1824. Boston, in February, 1824, on the occasion of organizing On that occasion, sir, the gentleman assumed a position a party opposition to the re-election of Governor Eustis. which commanded the respect and admiration of his counThe gentleman will recognize this as "the canonical book try. of political scripture," and it instructs us, that "when the of free trade. American colonies redeemed themselves from British bond- restriction and monopoly, and they "fled from before his He stood forth the powerful and fearless champion age, and became so many independent nations, they pro-face." With a profound sagacity, a fulness of knowledge, posed to form a national unior." (Not a federal union, sir, and a richness of illustration that has never been surpassHe met, in that conflict, the advocates of but a national union.) "Those who were in favor of a ed, he maintained and established the principles of comunion of the States in this form became known by the mercial freedom on a foundation never to be shaken. name of federalists; those who wanted no union of the Great indeed was the victory achieved by the gentleman States, or disliked the proposed form of union, became on that occasion; most striking the contrast between the known by the name of anti-federalists. By means which clear, forcible, and convincing arguments by which he carneed not be enumerated, the anti-federalists became, after ried away the understandings of his hearers, and the narthe expiration of twelve years, our national rulers; and, row views and wretched sophistry of another distinguished for a period of sixteen years, until the close of Mr. Madi orator, who may be truly said to have "held up his farson's administration in 1817, continued to exercise the ex- thing candle to the sun.' clusive direction of our public affairs." Here, sir, is the chusetts, on that, (the proudest day of his life) like a true history of the origin, rise, and progress, of the party mighty giant bore away upon his shoulders the pillars of of national republicans, who date back to the very origin the temple of error and delusion, escaping himself unhurt, Sir, the Senator from Massaof the Government, and who, then, as now, chose to con- and leaving its adversaries overwhelmed in its ruins. Then sider the constitution as having created not a federal but a it was that he erected to free trade a beautiful and endurnational union, who regarded “consolidation" as no evil, ing monument, and "inscribed the marble with his name. and who doubtless consider it "a consummation devoutly It is with pain and regret that I now go forward to the to be wished," to build up a great "central Government, "one and indivisible." age and every country, two distinct orders of men-the finally voting for the tariff of 1828-that "bill of abomiSir, there have existed, in next great era in the political life of that gentleman, when lovers of freedom, and the devoted advocates of power. nations." By that act, sir, the Senator from Massachuhe was found upon this floor, supporting, advocating, and The same great leading principles, modified only by pecu- seits has destroyed the labors of his whole life, and given liarities of manners, habits, and institutions, divided par- a wound to the cause of free trade, never to be healed. ties in the ancient republics, animated the whigs and tories Sir, when I recollect the position which that gentleman of Great Britain, distinguished in our own times the libe- once occupied, and that which he now holds in public esrals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in timation, in relation to this subject, it is not at all surpristhe bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the ing that the tariff should be hateful to his ears. gallant Riego, who devoted himself, and all that he posses- had erected to my own fame so proud a monument as that sed, to the liberties of his country, was dragged to the which the gentleman built up in 1824, and I could have scaffold, followed by the tears and lamentations of every been tempted to destroy it with my own hands, I should Sir, if I lover of freedom throughout the world, he perished amidst hate the voice that should ring "the accursed tariff" in the deafening cries of "Long live the absolute King!" my ears. The people whom I represent are the descendants of those relation to the tariff as a certain knight did to instinct," who brought with them to this country, as the most pre- and with him would be disposed to exclaim— I doubt not the gentleman feels very much in cious of their possessions, "an ardent love of liberty;" and while that shall be preserved, they will always be found manfully struggling against the consolidation of the Government, as the worst of evils.

every

of what we have heard this day? The Senator from Mas"Ah! no more of that Hal, an thou lov'st me." But, to be serious, what are we, of the South, to think The Senator from Massachusetts, in alluding to the ta- sure, and treats it as if the East had no interest in it. riff, becomes quite facetious. sachusetts tells us that the tariff is not an Eastern meaHe tells us that he hears The Senator from Missouri insists it is not a Western meaThe

of nothing but tariff! tariff! tariff! and if a word could sure, and that it has done no good to the West.

VOL. VI-7

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 25, 1830.

South comes in, and in the most earnest manner represent honor of South Carolina-of that my constituents shall to you, that this measure, which we are told "is of no judge. If there be one State in this Union (and I say it value to the East or the West," is "utterly destructive of not in a boastful spirit) that may challenge comparison our interests." We represent to you, that it has spread with any other for an uniform, zealous, ardent, ami uncalruin and devastation through the land, and prostrated our culating devotion to the Union, that State is South Carohopes in the dust. We solemnly declare that we believe lina. Sir, from the very commencement of the Revoluthe system to be wholly unconstitutional, and a violation of tion, up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, the compact between the States and the Union, and our she has not cheerfully made; no service she has ever brethren turn a deaf ear to our complaints, and refuse to hesitated to perform. She has adhered to you in your relieve us from a system "which not enriches them, but prosperity, but in your adversity she has clung to you makes us poor indeed." Good God! has it come to this? with more than filial affection. No matter what was the Do gentlemen hold the feelings and wishes of their breth- condition of her domestic affairs, though deprived of her ren at so cheap a rate, that they refuse to gratify them at resources, divided by parties, or surrounded by difficulties, so small a price? Do gentlemen value so lightly the peace the call of the country has been to her as the voice of and harmony of the country, that they will not yield a God. Domestic discord ceased at the sound--every man measure of this description to the affectionate entreaties became at once reconciled to his brethren, and the sons and earnest remonstrances of their friends? Do gentlemen of Carolina were all seen crowding together to the temple, estimate the value of the Union at so low a price, that they bringing their gifts to the altar of their common country. will not even make one effort to bind the States together What, sir, was the conduct of the South during the Rewith the cords of affection? And has it come to this? Is volution? Sir, I honor New England for her conduct in this the spirit in which this Government is to be admin- that glorious struggle. But great as is the praise which istered? If so, let me tell gentlemen the seeds of disso- belongs to her, I think at least equal honor is due to the lution are already sown, and our children will reap the bitter fruit.

South. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren with a generous zeal, which did not suffer them to stop to The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. calculate their interest in the dispute. Favorites of the WEBSTER] while he exonerates me personally from the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor seamen to charge, intimates that there is a party in the country who create commercial rivalship, they might have found in are looking to disunion. Sir, if the gentleman had stop- their situation a guarantee that their trade would be forped there, the accusation would have passed by me as ever fostered and protected by Great Britain. But trampthe idle wind which I regard not." But, when he goes ling on all considerations, either of interest or of safety, on to give to his accusation a local habitation and a name, they rushed into the conflict, and, fighting for principle, by quoting the expression of a distinguished citizen of periled all in the sacred cause of freedom. Never was South Carolina, [Dr. Cooper] " that it was time for the there exhibited, in the history of the world, higher examSouth to calculate the value of the Union," and, in the ples of noble daring, dreadful suffering, and heroic endurlanguage of the bitterest sarcasm, adds, "surely then the ance, than by the whigs of Carolina, during that Revolu Union cannot last longer than July, 1831," it is impossi- tion. The whole State, from the mountains to the sea, ble to mistake either the allusion or the object of the gen- was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. tleman. Now I call upon every one who hears me to bear The fruits of industry perished on the spot where they witness that this controversy is not of my seeking. The were produced, or were consumed by the foe. The Senate will do me the justice to remember, that, at the time" plains of Carolina" drank up the most precious blood this unprovoked and uncalled for attack was made upon of her citizens! Black and smoking ruins marked the the South, not one word had been uttered by me in dis- places which had been the habitations of her children! paragement of New England, nor had I made the most Driven from their homes, into the gloomy and almost imdistant allusion, either to the Senator from Massachusetts, penetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty suror the State he represents. But, sir, that gentleman has vived, and South Carolina (sustained by the example of thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to her Sumpters and her Marions) proved by her conduct, strike the South through me, the most unworthy of her that, though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the people was invincible.

State of South Carolina, is making war upon her citi- But, sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in zens, and endeavoring to overthrow her principles and another revolutionary struggle, and that too was as truggle her institutions. Sir, when the gentleman provokes me for principle--I meanthe political revolution which dates to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold. I will strug- back to '98, and which, if it had not been successfully gle while I have life, for our altars and our fire sides, and achieved, would have left us none of the fruits of the if God gives me strength, I will drive back the invader Revolution of '76. The revolution of '98 restored the discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman constitution, rescued the liberty of the citizen from the provokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop grasp of those who were aiming at its life, and in the at the border; I will carry the war into the enemy's terri- emphatic language of Mr. Jefferson, “saved the constitutory, and not consent to lay down my arms, until I shall tion at its last gasp." And by whom was it achieved? By have obtained" indemnity for the past, and security for the South, sir, aided only by the democracy of the North the future." It is with unfeigned reluctance that I enter and West. upon the performance of this part of my duty. I shrink I come now to the war of 1812--a war which I well realmost instinctively from a course, however necessary, member was called, in derision, (while its event was doubtwhich may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings, ful) the Southern war, and sometimes the Carolina war; and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has been forced but which is now universally acknowledged to have done upon me, and I proceed right onward to the performance more for the honor and prosperity of the country, than of my duty; be the consequences what they may, the re- all other events in our history put together. What, sir, sponsibility is with those who have imposed upon me this were the objects of that war? "Free trade and sailors' necessity. The Senator from Massachusetts has thought rights!" It was for the protection of Northern shipping proper to cast the first stone, and if he shall find, accord- and New England seamen that the country flew to arms. ing to a homely adage, "that he lives in a glass house," What interest had the South in that contest? If they had on his head be the consequences. The gentleman has sat down coldly to calculate the value of their interests inmade a great flourish about his fidelity to Massachusetts. volved in it, they would have found that they had every thing I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests and to lose and nothing to gain. But, sir, with that generous de

JAN. 25, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE

votion to country so characteristic of the South, they in connexion with the war, and the events which immeonly asked if the rights of any portion of their fellow-diately preceded it. It will be recollected, sir, that our citizens had been invaded; and when told that Northern great causes of quarrel with Great Britain were her depreships and New England seamen had been arrested on the dations on Northern commerce, and the impressment of common highway of nations, they felt that the honor of New England seamen. From every quarter we were called their country was assailed; and, acting on that exalted upon for protection. Importunate as the West is now resentiment, which feels a stain like a wound," they re- presented to be, on another subject, the importunity of the solved to seek, in open war, for a redress of those injuries East on that occasion was far greater. I hold in my hands which it did not become freemen to endure. Sir, the whole the evidence of the fact. Here are petitions, memorials, South, animated as by a common impulse, cordially united and remonstrances, from all parts of New England, setting in declaring and promoting that war. South Carolina sent to your councils, as the advocates and supporters of that war, the noblest of her sons. How they fulfilled that trust let a grateful country tell. Not a measure was adopted, not a battle fought, not a victory won, which contributed in any degree to the success of that war, to which Southern counsels and Southern valor did not largely contribute. Sir, since South Carolina is assailed, I must be suffered to speak it to her praise, that, at the very moment when, in one quarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed, "that it did not become a religious and moral people to rejoice at the victories of our army or our navy," her Legislature unanimously

forth the injustice, the oppressions, the depredations, the insults, the outrages, committed by Great Britain against the unoffending commerce and seamen of New England, and calling upon Congress for redress. Sir, I cannot stop to read these memorials. In that from Boston, after stating the alarming and extensive condemnation of our vessels by Great Britain, which threatened "to sweep our commerce from the face of the ocean," and "to involve our merchants in bankruptcy," they called upon the Government "to assert our rights and to adopt such measures as will support the dignity and honor of the United States." From Salem, we heard a language still more decisive; they call explicitly for "an appeal to arms,” and pledge "Resolved, That we will cordially support the Govern- their lives and property in support of any measures which ment in the vigorous prosecution of the war, until a Congress might adopt. From Newburyport, an appeal peace can be obtained on honorable terms; and we will was made "to the firmness and justice of the Government cheerfully submit to every privation that may be required to obtain compensation and protection." It was here, I of us, by our Government, for the accomplishment of think, that, when the war was declared, it was resolved this object." "to resist our own Government, even unto blood!"* South Carolina redeemed that pledge. She threw open In other quarters, the common language of that day her treasury to the Government. She put at the absolute was, that our commerce and our seamen were entitled disposal of the officers of the United States all that she to protection, and that it was the duty of the Governpossessed-her men, her money, and her arms. She ap-ment to afford it at every hazard. The conduct of Great propriated half a million of dollars, on her own account, Britain, we were then told, was "an outrage upon our in defence of her maritime frontier; ordered a brigade of national independence." These clamors, which commencState troops to be raised; and when left to protect herself ed as early as January, 1806, were continued up to 1812. by her own means, never suffered the enemy to touch her In a message from the Governor of one of the New Engsoil, without being instantly driven off or captured. Such,land States, as late as the 10th October, 1811, this lanstr, was the conduct of the South-such the conduct of guage is held: " Afmanly and decisive course has become my own State in that dark hour "which tried men's souls."indispensable--a course to satisfy foreign nations that, When I look back and contemplate the spectacle exhi- while we desire peace, we have the means and the spirit bited, at that time, in another quarter of the Union, when to repel aggression. We are false to ourselves, when I think of the conduct of certains portions of New Eng-our commerce or our territory is invaded with impunity." land, and remember the part which was acted on that me- About this time, however, a remarkable change was morable occasion by the political associates of the gentle- observable in the tone and temper of those who had been man from Massachusetts-nay, when I follow that gentle endeavoring to force the country into a war. The language man into the councils of the nation, and listen to his voice of complaint was changed into that of insult, and calls during the darkest period of the war, I am indeed as- for protection, converted into reproaches. "Smoke, tonished that he should venture to touch upon the topics smoke;" (says one writer) "my life on it our Executive which he has introduced into this debate. South Carolina have no more idea of declaring war, than my grandmoreproached by Massachusetts! And from whom does the ther." "The Committee of Ways and Means" (says accusation coine? Not from the democracy of New Eng-another) "have come out with their Pandora's Box of land: for they have been, in times past, as they are now, taxes, and yet nobody dreams of war." "Congress do the friends and allies of the South. No, sir, the accusa-not mean to declare war; they dare not." But why multion comes from that party whose acts, during the most tiply examples? An honorable member of the other trying and eventful period of our national history, were House, from the city of Boston, [Mr. Quincy] in a speech of such a character, that their own Legislature, but a few delivered on the 3d April, 1812, says, "neither promises, years ago, actually blotted them out from their records, nor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths, will make me beas a stain upon the honor of the country. But how can lieve that you will go to war. The navigation States are they ever be blotted out from the recollections of any one sacrificed, and the spirit and character of the country proswho had a heart to feel, a mind to comprehend, and a trated by fear and avarice;" "you cannot," said the same memory to retain, the events of that day! Sir, I shall not gentleman on another occasion, "be kicked into a war.” attempt to write the history of the party in New England, Well, sir, the war at length came, and what did we beto which I have alluded-the war party in peace, and the hold! The very men who had been for six years clamorpeace party in war. That task I shall leave to some future ous for war, and for whose protection it was waged, bebiographer of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not it will be came at once equally clamorous against it. They had refound quite easy to prove that the peace party of Mas-ceived a miraculous visitation; a new light suddenly beamsachusetts were the only defenders of their country, during ed upon their minds; the scales fell from their eyes, and the war, and actually achieved all our victories by land it was discovered that the war was declared from “subserviency to France;" and that Congress and the Executive "had sold themselves to Napoleon;" that Great

and sea.

In the mean time, sir, and until that history shall be written, I propose, with the feeble and glimmering lights which I possess, to review the conduct of this party,

Olive Branch, page 101.