They have not even sufficient sense of humour to see the absurdity of trying to pass off such absurd. fictions upon a public which is smarting under the knowledge that everything is exactly the reverse. The fact is that while many things are lacking in English public life, the one thing that is most -conspicuous by its absence is the capacity to see and the courage to speak the truth. The In the art of making believe the Anglo-German present Government, by much pracAgreements tice, ought to have become adepts; and Manchuria. but sometimes they really presume too much. Another instance of this occurred in the debate on the Chinese question which took place in the House on the night of July 26th. Speaking of the efforts made by the English Government in order to defeat the signature of the Russo-Manchurian agreement, Lord Cranborne said :-"We have been enabled to avoid the signature of that agreement, strictly acting up to our obligation under the Anglo-German agreement." The remark apparently passed without notice. It did not seem to occur to anyone to ask what obligation we had under the Anglo-German agreement, that necessitated our intriguing with China in order to defeat the signature of a treaty which our Russian ally was pressing upon the Chinese Government. The Anglo-German agreement was palmed off upon the British public, when it was first published, as an agreement which covered the whole Chinese Empire, including Manchuria; but as soon as attention was called to the subject Count von Bülow publicly declared in the Reichstag that the agreement had no relation whatever to Manchuria, and that Germany intimated the fact to Russia at the very time when the Anglo-German agreement was under negotiation. If this be so-and Count von Bülow's statements have never been contradicted-how can we be said to be under any obligation to Germany to oppose Russian policy in Manchuria? The Anglo-German agreement can only create an obligation between England and Germany. Germany has publicly repudiated the interpretation that the agreement covers Manchuria; yet Lord Cranborne deliberately justifies the dog in the manger policy of England in Manchuria, on the ground that it is in accordance with the obligations undertaken in the Anglo-German agreement. This is mere fooling, which a self-respecting Parliament ought to resent and punish. this insane mania for endeavouring to counterwork Russia on all occasions, absolutely regardless of our own interests or of any possibility of success. He declared that an understanding between England and Russia in Asia was really vital to any satisfactory condition of affairs. He complained that the Russian Government carried to excess the principle of not letting her left hand know what her right hand was doing, but he went on to remark, with more candour than is usually heard when Front Bench men are discussing Anglo-Russian questions— We must remember that the whole of our policy for a generation or two past must have had for its result to educate Russia to believe that we are likely to oppose whatever she does. That is true, and what is worse is that there is not the slightest indication of any intention on our part to abandon this mischievous policy. What is the use of appealing to the Russian Government to be frank and open with us, when every Russian statesman has it impressed upon him as an axiom in international politics that whatever Russia wishes to achieve Downing Street will regard it as a fixed object of English policy to defeat ? Our intrigues against the Manchuria treaty are a case in point. It is against cur own interest to compel Russia to annex Manchuria, and yet the inevitable result of preventing the signature of such an agreement will be annexation pure and simple. But that does not matter. As long as we compel Russia at any point to take one step backwards our wise men are perfectly content, even although the immediate result is that she is driven therefore at once to take three steps forward. The Grant to Only 73 members, and those mostly Irish, were found in the lobby Lord Roberts. against the proposal to grant Lord Roberts £100,000 for his services in South Africa. This habit of lavish money donatives flung to a favourite general, much as the Spanish mob flings bouquets at the successful bull-fighter, is an evil sign of these latter days. But even with the bull-fighter it is a tribute reserved until the toreador has killed his bull. At Westminster a sum unprecedented since the days when Wellington defeated Napoleon has been flung at the feet of a general who, with an army of 250,000, was sent forth to crush 50,000 undisciplined farmers, and came home, leaving his job unfinished, with a pretence that the war was at an end. It has been raging ever since and is raging now. Lord Roberts is probably the only field-marshal in history who quitted his post before his enemy had been subdued, unless he had been recalled in disgrace. The chief reason why there has been opposition to the vote to Lord Roberts is not because of the mere money, but because, in his attempt to crush the South African Republics, he deliberately resorted to methods of barbarism worthy only of a savage. Necessity, the tyrant's plea, cannot be invoked by Lord Roberts, for nothing is more clearly demonstrated, by the course of events in South Africa, than that the atrocious and inhuman methods which he resorted to for the purpose of cowing the resistance of a brave people were the very measures which above all others have protracted the war. If Lord Roberts had kept his word, had protected those persons who surrendered their arms and surrendered to his mercy, and ruthlessly repressed the destruction of property, the war might have been over twelve months ago. As it is, we are looking forward to another twelve months of it at least, as the direct result of Lord Roberts's disregard of the laws of civilized warfare. The Strain on The news from South Africa continues to be as bad as can be. The the Transvaal. death of Mrs. Kruger bas, of course, had no effect upon the war. The chief military event has been the capture of the staff and archives of the Government of the Orange Free State and the narrow escape of President Steyn. From a military point of view, this matters little, seeing that Mr. Steyn, who evidently is the Andreas Hofer of South Africa, succeeded in evading the pursuit of his enemy. Among the archives, however, our soldiers found a letter from Mr. Reitz, the State Secretary of the South African Republic, written as far back as last May, which hoisted the signal of distress. At a meeting at which Botha, Viljoen, and Delarey were present, the Transvaal Government noted the surrender of numbers of the burghers, the near exhaustion of the supply of ammunition, their inability in the immediate future to feed their commandoes. The Transvaalers therefore wished to communicate with President Kruger, "to point out the terrible condition of the county, and that the time has come for us not to let matters drift on as at present, but to take the final step." This letter was written nearly three months ago, and it probably explains the nature of the proposals made to President Kruger and the European delegation. Mr. Steyn's "Stand fast." Undaunted and indomitable, Mr. Steyn replied explaining that Mr. Reitz's letter had been a great blow to him, and that he did not think that they had come to the last extremity. It was true that the Free State had been for four months without cannon. Their ammunition had long been scarce, but still they had some left to continue. When two small Republics declared war against the mighty power of England, they trusted in God's help and foreign intervention. What reason, he asked, have we for refusing to continue? Nor had Mr. Steyn lost hope of foreign intervention. "I firmly trust," he said, "that complications will take place in Europe which will gain us good fortune. We shall be destroying all hope for our nation if we surrender. Brothers, stand fast!" Bruce, in the hour of his extremity, never showed to better advantage than does the heroic chief of the Free State, whose indomitable courage and heroic daring shine all the more brightly before the eyes of mankind against the dark background of the fears and misgivings of his allies. No Peace without After President Kruger and his counsellors met to consider the Independence. message from South Africa, the result of their deliberations Was made known in a manifesto issued to the burghers in South Africa, dated June 20th. This manifesto, signed by both Burger and Steyn, stated that a private telegram had been sent to Mr. Kruger, in which the state of affairs was fully described and intentionally put in the worst light. In reply, President Kruger stated that he and the deputation had still great hopes of a satisfactory end to the long struggle, and that after the material and personal sacrifices (already made) they should continue the struggle. Thereupon De Wet, Botha, and Delarey met and thoroughly discussed the whole case, with the result that they arrived at the unanimous conclusion that "taking into consideration the satisfactory report of President Kruger and the deputation, considering the good progress of our cause in the colonies and Europe, considering the spirit of independent persistence with which the great majority of our men, women, and children are still possessed, they resolved that "no peace will be made and no peace conditions accepted by which our independence and national existence or the interests of our Colonial brothers shall be sacrificed, and that the war will be vigorously prosecuted by taking all measures necessary for the maintenance of independence and interests." So the war will go on. It costs us at present more than will buy a first-class, fully-equipped battle-ship every week. It is part of the price we are paying, and must continue to pay, for the policy of "unconditional surrender." Forcing the Lord Milner has been presented It Cape to Rebel. gave him the opportunity for making an unhappy speech, in which he took occasion to speak contemptuously of the "roving ruffians, British subjects, if you please, who are harrying their fellow British subjects in our own colonies." It is true that there are some ruffians who are harrying British subjects in the Cape Colony, but unfortunately most of them have the King's Commission, and they are acting in execution of the policy of Lord Milner. Accounts which reach us concerning the method in which martial law is administered in the various districts of the Cape all point to one conclusion. The Dutch farmers are being deliberately plundered and ruined. It is enough for a man to have against him the fact that he ever took part in a meeting of the Afrikander Bond in order to justify the military authorities, in their own. eyes, subjecting him to a process which is little better than organised highway robbery. All the animals necessary for the working of his farm are seized, and paid for at half or a third their price. Food-stuffs are removed from the farm to the towns, and the farmers must spend their time in travelling backwards and forwards to get permission for sufficient grain to keep themselves and their families alive week by week. Any offence, real or imaginary, such as speaking an unguarded word, or having their fields crossed in the night by a flying commando of the enemy, is sufficient to justify these military satraps in inflicting fines and enforcing confiscation in a fashion which is having, and could not. fail to have, one result. The majority of our British colonists in the Cape Colony are being driven into what Lord Milner describes as "repeated, deliberate, and crime-stained treason." Of all the high crimes and misdemeanours of which Lord Milner's administration has been guilty in South Africa, its treatment of the Cape Colony in these latter days will probably rank the highest for its fatuity and suicidal folly. Mr. Rhodes in Scotland. Mr. Rhodes, whom, I am glad to say, I found in very good health and spirits, arrived in London last month, and is now resting on a grouse-moor which he has taken in Scotland. He is not going deerstalking, his heart being too weak from the attack of malarial fever from which he has suffered, but a stout Highland pony will enable him to cover a wide area of heather, on which he will at least find more innocent amusement in shooting grouse than shooting Boers in South Africa. Mr. Rhodes brings home good news as to the development of Rhodesia, and expresses himself very strongly in favour of federation at the earliest possible moment. He has settled the education difficulty in Buluwayo on the sound principle of united secular and separate religious education. Each sect has a class-room allotted to it, in which its representatives can teach its own children what dogmas it pleases for half an hour every morning before school begins. Children whose parents have no religion must grind at geography during the half-hour of religious instruction. "It would never do," said Mr. Rhodes humorously, "to have Tommy Jones running about free during the hour of religious instruction, throwing up his cap and thanking God that 'Dad was an atheist.'" A dose of geography as a substitute for religion cannot be said to be putting a premium upon atheism. Mr. Rhodes seems to think that eighteen months after the cessation of fighting, a federal system might be established in South Africa. One thing seems to be quite clear, and that is if we do not federate before the Outlanders get into the saddle, we shall never federate afterwards. The owners of the Rand will never voluntarily tie up their lot with the rump end of a continent which has no gold-mines and 45 millions of railway debt which will never pay more than one per cent. after the track has been doubled to Delagoa Bay. The Royal Style. While the Empire - builder clings pathetically to the hope of rescuing South Africa from the wreck, our Ministers at home are engaged in the pleasing occupation of inventing new titles for the King. Therein they are true to Byzantine precedents. The titles of the Roman Emperors swelled as the strength of their empire dwindled. A Bill has been introduced enabling the King to choose a new title, which was intended to be a recognition of the existence of the Colonies. When Lord Beaconsfield made the Queen "Empress of India," he refused to listen to the Liberals when they suggested that the Colonies should be recognised on the ground that technically every colony was part and parcel of Great Britain and Ireland. To-day To-day Beaconsfield's political successors suggest that the title should run: "Edward VII. by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 66 and Ireland and of all the British Dominions beyond the Seas, King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India." Lord Rosebery suggests that in place of "all the British Dominions beyond the Seas," there should be added "of all the Britains beyond the Seas"; and waxing bolder he suggests that the timehonoured style of "the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland" should disappear, and the title should run " Edward VII. by the Grace of God of all the Britains within and beyond the Seas, King." Lord Rosebery shelters himself behind the coinage, in which the King is described as Brittaniarum Rex," and he has also the Russian precedent. Is not the Tsar the Emperor of all the Russias? Why should not the King be King of all the Britains? It is a great disadvantage that Britain and Briton, although spelt differently, are usually pronounced in almost the same way. Besides, it is rather a strain to regard Canada and Australasia, to say nothing of the Fiji Islands and Mauritius, as so many "Britains beyond the seas." The phrase "All the Russias" has a distinct and definite meaning, and a reference to entities known as different kinds of Russias, such as Great Russia and Little Russia. There is nothing corresponding to this in the British Empire. The Victoria The Committee charged with the administration of the National Fund Memorial Fund. for commemorating the reign of Queen Victoria has now received about £130,000, and expects to get £70,000 more. It has decided to remove the railings of Buckingham Palace, and to create a large open space, where State processions will form in order to pass directly into the Mall, at the base of the Memorial. Mr. Brock. has been selected as the artist for the monument. The Queen is to be seated in front of a large pedestal surmounted by a figure of Victory, with Courage and Constancy seated at her feet. On the Queen's right there will be a group symbolising Truth; on the left, another symbolising Justice, while at the back there will be a group representing Maternity. All the figures will be in bronze, three times life-size. The pedestal will rise to the height of sixty feet, from the centre of a circular place, raised eight feet from the ground level, guarded at the foot by four winged lions, and flanked on each side by a fountain basin, into which water flows, falling over steps leading down from an archway on each side. The wall rising to the place from each basin will be covered with figures in relief, representing the Army and the Government, while symbolical naval and military groups will decorate each of the arches. It |