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especially because of an act of great kindness. Weakened himself by the exhausting work he had gone back to the store to try to get something for a sick soldier. I remember nodding and saying a word to him as we formed and marched to the San Juan River. I never saw him again. At the foot of the hill he was mortally wounded and died and I had no chance to see him. But I had a chance the following morning, when I was lying under a little tree, on the grass of the hillside, to see a shrapnel shell burst and mortally wound Stanley Hollister, one of the Harvard crew of the year before. Ives of Yale, Adsitt and Sanders of Harvard, gave their lives, too, when lives had most to offer, when the future looked the brightest, partly because of the spirit within them, partly because of the training that spirit had received in the halls from which they came.
I am now, Mr. Chairman, if you will allow me, I am now going to propose one toast to be drunk standing and in silence. I know I shall have your sympathy when I offer this toast, not limited simply to Yale, not limited to the universities, when I ask you to drink the toast of the men of Yale and Harvard, the men of all the universities and the men who had no university training whatever, the men, the Americans, who in battle or in camp, during the last war, met their death when they had gone out at their country's call to do their country's bidding.
And now I have little to add to what I have said. The men of Yale, the men of the universities, all, who, when the country called, went to give their lives, did more than reflect honor upon the universities from which they came. They did that which they could not have done so well in any other way. They showed that when the time of danger comes, all Americans, whatever their social standing, whatever their creed, whatever the training they have received, no matter from what section of the country they have come, stand together as men, as Americans, and are content to face the same fate and do the same duties because fundamentally they all alike have the common purpose to serve the glorious flag of their common country.
Address At The West Side Republican Club, New York City, March i0, i899
Mr. President And Gentlemen: I feel in speaking to you to-night, less tempted to speak of the problems that confront us as citizens of this Great Republic, than as citizens of the State of New York, of the homelier problems which we must solve first if we wish to solve the others well. It is an indisputable fact that a man must perform well the duties of his own household before he can do well the duties that fall to him as a citizen of the Republic. I agree with what General Woodford has said. I am proud that even in a lesser way I could show my faith by my works. He took part in the great war, I in the little one: but I worked along his lines, and after all in this country, while we must follow in the footsteps of. the great men who lead us, there is a vast amount of work to be done by the men who follow. You all know my views on expansion. Because this is a great nation it has got to do its share in the civilization of the world. It can only decide whether it shall do it well or ill. It may have been unkind of Dewey to win a victory, but win he did, and there you are. It may have been thoughtless of the men with the ships and the men with the guns to win, but they did, and we must face the issue.
I was much impressed by a remark once made by Dr. [ Slicer in Buffalo. He said that it was not genius wewanted 1 'in government, but courage and honesty. It is a disgrace if we govern ourselves ill, but it will be a triple disgrace if we govern ill the possessions which have fallen to us through the fortunes of war. In the administration of their Government we must keep as far from mock humanitarianism on the one hand as from dishonesty on the other. We have got to keep order in the islands we have rescued. We can't let anarchy follow where we have trod, but we must not let any man plunder the islands we have seized. To paraphrase a famous utterance, " If that be expansion, make the most of it."
But I want to speak about the government of ourselves. ^Each man here is a factor in the Government. He has certain responsibilities which he must fulfil. Some of our people speak of " the politicians" as though they were a class apart, as if the average American could wash his hands of them and their acts whenever it seemed well to him to do so. Men in public life are what the men in private life make them. We must in the long run represent what is best and what is worst in you. You complain of bad city government. It is ultimately the fault of the people themselves if it is bad. No American can shake off the burden. The public men must in the long run respond approximately to the effective desires of the people, to whom they go ultimately for power.
Some young men want to rise in public life at a bound, passing all the drudgery and apprenticeship. Some want to be Brigadier-Generals at the start. Greater good, it seems to me, is done by the men who take subordinate posts, and in them, do their work honestly and well. I sit to-night with representatives of both houses of the Legislature. You should understand that in all matters of constructive work the Governor is helpless unless he is backed by such men as represent those two branches here to-night. I know there is a belief that the Governor is both houses of the Legislature, and can pass any law that he wants to. That isn't true.
In no way can you bring about decency in your Government so quickly as by backing up the men who represent your interests, rewarding those who are faithful and punishing those who fail in their duty. Besides these there is another class — the public spirited citizens — who, without holding office, give of their time to aid the servants of the public. I cannot express the obligation I am under to such men who aid us in our work. You have one here to-night — your next President, John Proctor Clarke.
Now to the voters. If you let the professional politicians \ do all the work they will take all the reward, and they ought to. You can't govern yourselves by sitting in your studies and thinking how good you are. You've got to fight all you know how, and you'll find a lot of able men willing to fight you. Sometimes one of these people, who feel that they should do something to raise the country's political standard, goes to a primary and finds a raft of men who have been to many primaries. He discovers that he counts for nothing. Then, if he is of the type of men unfit for self-government he says politics are low, and goes home. If he is worth his salt he goes again, loses; goes again, maybe wins; and finally finds that he counts, and
that he is doing his plain duty as an American citizen. He can't be proud of doing it, but he ought to be ashamed if
> he doesn't. All of our problems finally resolve themselves into getting honest government. Our duty is to see that the Decalogue and Golden Rule prevail in the Government. You want to hitch your wagon to a star; but al
. * ways to remember your limitations. Strive upward, but realize that your feet must touch the ground. In our Government you can only work successfully in conjunction with your fellows. Don't let practical politics mean foul y politics.
I make a plea for every man who holds public office, that the people behind him watch him and make him remember that the critic stands behind the doer. Let him know that as long as he does right the people are behind him. But I despise a man who surrenders his conscience to the multitude as much as I do the one who surrenders it to one man. If he believes the multitude is wrong on a question of policy or finance he should not bow to it.
It is not the men in office who make public life. It is the men out of office who are the arbiters of our public life. It rests on every man here, on every man in the city, on every man in the State and nation to make public life high.