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ART. X.-The History of the Town and Port of Dover, and of Dover Castle; with a short Account of the Cinque Ports. By the Rev. JOHN LYON, Minister of St. Mary's, Dover. 2 vols. 4to. Illustrated with 18 large folio and 4to plates. 41. 4s. Ledger and Shaw, Dover; Longman and Co. London.

LOCAL histories are too much neglected by general readers. They forget the admirable advice of Locke, "to consult with patience and attention every person who speaks either of his own particular profession or place." Whoever earnestly searches for truth, will naturally begin his inquiries in a limited, before he enter upon an unlimited field. It is much easier to acquire a full knowledge of the history of an individual, than of a corporation, or city; or of a town, than of a whole kingdom: yet the former are component and essential parts of the latter; and he who is ignorant of the constituent parts of a machine, can never thoroughly comprehend its principles of action. But to generalize is the predominant passion of the present age; to boast of a knowledge of the history of the world, without even a tolerable familiarity with the history of any one state. In like manner, we observe men proclaim themselves universal philanthropists, who cannot even pretend to ordinary benevolence; and whose friends or neighbours never discovered in them a single act of private generosity: we see patriots, who affect to weep over the calamities of foreign nations, but who can suffer, in silence and indifference, their countrymen to starve with hunger and cold, rather than contribute to the relief of their necessities we see politicians also, who persuade themselves that they could govern the universe, make all men happy and rich, and this world of probation a perfect paradise, yet shew us that they cannot for a moment govern even the feeblest passion of their own minds. Thus, too, we find men boast of universal knowledge, of being perfect walking-encyclopædias, who are, nevertheless, ignorant of the rudiments of any one art or science. Such characters will readily acknowledge their love of greatness, their admiration of the sublime; but, at the same time, their sovereign contempt for those initiatory means which Nature has designed, and experience confirmed, to be indispensable to the fulness of the human intellect. Men will use any pretext to conceal, even from themselves, their selfishness and indolence: and hence the present commerce in generali

ties is employed as the cheapest and easiest way to avoid the imputation of them, as well as the trouble of acquiring real knowledge and practising beneficence. This propensity in

men to appear to be what in reality they are not, and which is so conspicuous in all the popularity-hunters of the present day, sufficiently accounts for the neglect of particular histories, especially if they are not accompanied with high-finished views of the country residences of our gentry. Yet many of our modern professors of patriotism might, perhaps, comprehend the policy of a borough, or corporation, although they are incapable of conceiving an adequate idea of the government or policy of a kingdom, and of its relations with other states. It is possible, also, that an intimate acquaintance with the practice and policy of a borough town, and its inhabitants, if they were not personally interested in its affairs, or become gray-headed in professing what they think themselves exempted from practising, might awaken some salutary reflections in their biassed intellects. The conflicts between the love of power on the one hand, and the aversion to every thing like obedience on the other, when confined to the sphere of a few individuals, furnish studies to all classes of mankind. They are necessarily less susceptible of systematic deception, and less likely to produce blind enthusiasm, or indolent acquiescence, than when extended to thousands. He who would know man, must first know himself; and he who aspires to a knowledge of government and legislation, must first observe the operation and influence of the human passions, (whether virtuous or vicious,) in his own parish, town, or city. The passions, prejudices, and politics which appear in parishes, also appear in corporations, and, under certain modifications, in state assemblies. The history of the former is, therefore, the best introduction to that of the latter.

But the "History of Dover and the Cinque Ports" must not be confounded with what are usually denominated "local histories:" it is much more properly the history of a distinct but tributary state, governed by its own laws and institutions, and merely acknowledging the sovereignty of the King of England, and allowing him a determinate aid in his wars against foreign enemies. In this state of independence, Dover and the Cinque Ports, with their towns and members, continued nearly from the invasion of the Romans till the commercial reign of the Seventh Henry, and the Reformation. In addition to this kind of imperialty of Dover, it has likewise the peculiar advantage of still retaining those vestiges of ancient art which first contributed

to diffuse civilization over the island; and it is, perhaps, the only place in the kingdom where the enlightened inquirer may trace, with considerable accuracy, the progress of arts, manufactures, and commerce, as they influence or are connected with that of civilization, and the moral advance of society. It is here that we can develop the march of civilization, from the first stages of savage grandeur in painted bodies, to the highest degree of excellence in every department of human knowledge; and contrast it with local associations and moral relations. Here the genius of ancient Rome was first displayed; and the monuments of her arts still attract the admiration of the intelligent observer. Whether we consider this mistress of the western world as a sordid and ruthless tyrant, or as an implacable enemy to ignorance and an energetic instructor of uncivilized people, the effect of the nine ports which she established in this south-eastern extremity of Britain is the same. The naval equipments of those warriors laid the foundation of our maritime greatness. The mechanical and nautical skill of their immediate successors, the Saxons, found a fertile field for commerce and navigation, which they cultivated with considerable success. It is from those people, whose peculiar genius and virtues we are now beginning to appreciate, that England virtually derived her national character. Hence it is that the history of Dover and the Cinque Ports awakens so many interesting reflections; that it enables us to follow the progress of the arts and of social improvement from age to age; and that in almost every succeeding century we may discover the real state of society in Kent, the "civilest place in all our isle."

To attempt a regular analysis of these curious volumes would occupy much space in our Journal, and yet convey to the reader a very inadequate idea of their multifarious contents. The Court of Brotherhood and Guestling," or Parliament of the Cinque Ports, in which the barons regularly assembled, exhibits some interesting traits of early legislation, which merit the attention of those who suppose that there would be no harm in modulating governments, laws, and civil society, according to their own fancies. During the Saxon Monarchy, those barons had also the privilege of attending, like the peers of the realm, the great councils of the kingdom, and were regularly summoned by the Kings long prior to any other boroughs. To those ancient privileges and charters the author is a decided friend; and it must be admitted, agreeably to the ideas of judicious antiquaries, that all such institutions should either be maintained inviolate; or, if found to militate agaiust

the general weal in the present age and increased population, be discussed fairly, and repealed openly by a general enactment of the legislature. This, however, is a measure which requires much more consideration than is vulgarly supposed; and there is nothing more common than to hear men rail against certain things in corporations and charters, as absurd and stupid ob structions to the supposed progress of society, that are nevertheless virtually the fountain of popular influence, and the pabulum of civil liberty. On the other hand, certain pro ceedings of corporate bodies are often conscientiously defended when they ought to be reprobated, as being utterly incompatible with every principle of moral justice, and, consequently, with the interests of society. In this country, however, substantial justice generally prevails; and even the supposed corruptions, if viewed with candour, and investigated with judgment, will be found to carry with them more real utility than all the visionary and crude projects of their pretended enemies. Thus, for instance, the declaimers against parliamentary influence are supported by reasoning the most plausible, and apparently the most just; yet it seems never to have occurred to those gentlemen, that their arguments are directed almost solely against the vital principles of English democracy. An independent voter, either from opinion or interest, (it is immaterial in this case,) gives his vote to a certain individual, who is elected to serve in Parliament: in process of time, this voter is called on by some friend or neighbour to assist in his appointment to some public office for which he is well qualified. The elector applies to his representative, and the latter appeals to the minister, who, on proof of its expediency, concedes the request. In this manner, as we all well know, many appointments are obtained, and that by means which are purely democratical; that is, through the interest of the people. Here neither the minion of the prince, nor the servile dependant of the minister, has the least concern: it is merely one of the people applying to his representative, and procuring the filling up of an office of state, subject only, as all such measures must ever be, to the approbation of the executive. Were it possible to put an end to this pretended corruption, as the pseudo-reformers desire, the patronage and nomination of places must consequently be transferred from the people to the prince, or his ministers, and absolute authority arise on the ruins of democracy in England, the same as in many other countries. According to the existing order of things, the principal part of the

appointments to places and honours in Great Britain rests, virtually, in the House of Commons. Neither the King nor his ministers can be said to possess absolutely any one description of appointments, except those of cabinet ministers, and the Prince's personal servants. Promotion in the army and navy, the law and the church, is fairly within the power of the people: it is virtually in the hands of that very democracy which one class of fanatics dreads, while another absurdly denies its existence. These observations are equally applicable to the Cinque Ports and to all other ports of the kingdom. That abuses exist, it were madness to deny: all human institutions ever have been, and ever will be, liable to abuse but, as in the general dispensation of things, we often find good to arise out of apparent evil, so every person, possessing even but common sense, would hesitate to introduce any violent and rapid change into society, till he had previously augmented the quantum of moral virtue among its members.

The Cinque Ports and their members consist of Dover, Sandwich, Hastings, Romney, Hithe, Rye, Winchelsea, Faver sham, Folkestone, Fordwich, Deal, Seaford, Tenterden, Margate, St. Peter, Birchinton, Ramsgate, Walmer, Sarr, Beakesbourne, Charlton, and Ringwould. Of the origin and expediency of wardship in these places, Mr. Lyon treats at considerable length. He seems inclined to believe that it existed among the Saxons, but that it was greatly extended and abused by the Normans. The care which the laws take of the lives and property of orphans, is one of the very best criterions of the standard of moral justice and humanity in society and as this was wisely consigned to the magistrates of the Cinque Ports from time immemorial, we must naturally infer that the people were moral and humame at a very early period. The marriage of wards was regulated in precisely the same manner as that of wards of chancery in the present day. Probates of wills were registered as early as the year 880; and letters of administration were granted, after an inquest taken on oath by the mayor and two or three magistrates: "When the administrators had finished their trust, they were' to render an account of their administrations to the mayor and jurats, in the presence of the rector or vicar of the parish, and the friends of the deceased; and they then received their discharge, which was entered on the court rolls." No one will question the wisdom and utility of such regulations; and not a few will wish that some such were still extant throughout the kingdom.