spot I choose to believe and declare that it came from a higher source. As well doubt that the dead of both armies shall be raised again to be judged by the merciful standard of the lights under which they acted, as to doubt that heaven directs the course of nations. I prefer to believe that those who joined in deadly, and on the one side mistaken struggle, were after all only the instruments of Providence yielding their all for the upbuilding of the nation; that it was necessary for this people in the wilderness of the Western Hemisphere, entrusted with the cause of man's freedom, to be knit together in one homogeneous nation and equipped to perform its duty to mankind. Out of the struggle between the armies of Grant and Lee came a nation purified and united, able to do the great things already accomplished, and fitted for the tremendous destiny to which resistless forces are surely carrying it.

But what of ourselves? Standing at Gettysburg, from which the smoke of battle had but recently passed, Abraham Lincoln uttered the words which define the duty of all Americans, when he said that the living must consecrate themselves to the preservation of that which these dead had established. It shall little avail if, coming here with flowers for decoration and speech of praise, we depart hence each bent on the attainment of his selfish purpose-none with rekindled love of country and resolve for some individual sacrifice to the general good. It is not permitted to us to accept the blessings of Providence and the wages of others' suffering and render nothing from ourselves in return. We may not hide the treasure confided to us in the napkin of sloth and selfishness, but must be ready at the Master's coming to return His own with usury.

Here in this place we proudly recall and unstintedly praise the deeds of those who here and elsewhere eternally rest, crowned and distinguished by the work they did so well. But this is not enough. Here we should also take note of our own duty, and in this atmosphere of duty well done should for ourselves recognize the obligation resting on this generation and gather strength to be dedicated to its discharge. We can not do this by perfunctory declaration that the strife between the sections is at an end, and formal admissions that the issues over which these fought are forever settled. There must be more than this. We must with cheerful hearts and unhesitating minds, go forward to fulfill the duties of the present and encounter the rising ones of the future. We of the so-called North must forever put aside doubt and distrust of years and install in their place faith and confidence in you. And, believe me, this has already been substantially done.

Aside from a few States where some show of bigotry yet remains, the power of development and shifting of population have eradicated old-time prejudice and driven out the memory of ancient controversy. While this is to some extent true of the South, I would not be candid did I fail to say that it is depressingly less in degree. It were a waste of time to speculate as to the cause. Doubtless the sting of disappointment and defeat outlasts the glow of victory. At all events, every man in what was once the Confederacy owes it to his country to hasten the awakening of the South. That its individual citizens are as reconciled and patriotic as any finds sufficient proof in their quick response and splendid service in the war with Spain, which, lasting but one hundred days, has changed the map of the

world. The South owes to our reunited country broader statesmanship and a heartier co-operation in national advancement. It needs to eliminate those reactionaries who, day by day, continue to emphasize their unfitness, and place in their steal the other sort, of which the South has abundance. Dare not believe that the coming years will not demand as strong and virtuous and patriotic citizenship as any portion of the past. It is no mere figure of speech to say that our country goes forward to the heights of a splendid and perilous isolation.

Nations, like men, have their times of strength and opportunity and power. We seem to be attaining ours by a growth of marvelous rapidity. Within the recollection of those who surround me we were a raw and somewhat provincial people, greatly misunderstood by the world at large, and of slight consequence in its affairs. The Union was then composed of looselyjoined States, its powers and their obligations matters of doubt, dispute, and in a certain sense undefined. Mark the change. To-day Washington is becoming the center of diplomacy and New York threatens to wrest from London its distinction as the money center of the world. Our proud navy, whose growth must never stop till it outclasses any other, carries our flag and proclaims our power on every sea. To the ends of the earth our people and our interests are spreading, conquering all nations with the peaceful weapons of energy and enterprise. At home, wondrous wealth, luxury, comfort. Never since the days began have there been gathered in one nation so many educated, thrifty, well-fed, well-clothed, self-reliant people. The production of wealth seems immeasurable. The doings

of men like Carnegie and Morgan make the fable of Aladdin seem commonplace. The one sweeps together the instruments of production and trade as easily as the autumn winds drift the scattered leaves. The other, day after day, lightly bestows among his fellowmen sums that that would ransom a king. Everywhere increasing wealth, added power and expanding trade arrest the gaze of startled nations; we plan a waterway that shall make as one the two great oceans; we gather the West Indies to our benign care; we bring peace, order and protection to the long-suffering millions in the Philippines; we steady huge China on her trembling foundations.

It were idle to deny that there is another side to this bright picture. The pessimist can find much to criticise and some things to deplore. He can surely point to many instances of the selfishness of the favored; of municipal corruption, official uncleanliness, suppression of suffrage, mob violence, perversion of law, mutterings of anarchy, foolish antics of wealth; to greed, snobbery and folly. Be not disturbed at these things. They are the unwholesome phenomena of the times, but most of them the afflictions of every period since civilization dawned. They are simply murky spots upon our national life that seem darker because of the brightness of the glorious whole.

Rather rest your faith upon the sure things which remain unimpaired: the prerogative of intelligent suffrage; the rights of religious liberty and personal freedom; and the equality of opportunity to all men,-these are the four cornerstones of the republic, and so long as they last it will endure. Rest assured that our present eminence

in the world's political affairs and commercial business will not only continue, but increase. No nation can stand still; it must of necessity move onward or retrograde. And while our commanding influence might only provoke envy, our mastery of the markets must precipitate reprisal; already great peoples are planning to check America's growing supremacy in trade. Is it too much to apprehend that out of this may come actual conflict? While past wars may have been largely those for the subjugation of other lands, propagation of beliefs and the redress of supposed or real wrongs, it seems certain that future ones will be for commercial dominion and territorial influence. To be sure, it's our wish to remain at peace with all, yet the result may not not be of our choosing. The wounded vanity of Europe when supplanted by the necessities of its diminishing trade, may come to pass all restraints; and if the time does come, our country will find itself beset by foes now unthought of. The solution will doubtless come through war. It is pleasing to speak of the coming era of perpetual peace, and a fine figure to talk of turning swords into plowshares, but man's nature and humanity's experience indicate that this blessed period is at best far distant. It is easy to argue that the refinement and polish of civilization and universal education have softened the nature of men. Against this I put contemporary events and the situation to-day in South Africa and China. The granite from the quarry and the oak cut from the forest may be polished until it seems that their nature has been smoothed, softened and forever changed, yet strike but one hair's breadth below the surface and the primitive roughness is disclosed. So with man; refine and educate him as you