termed the Manual of the Priesthood"— it will have many advantages when it is recommended to a docile people. If adopted, it will relieve them from unequal and vexatious impositions-it will gratify their pride-it will be, as the payers will soon understand, a deduction from the landlords' rent-it will afford perhaps means to enlarge the number of ecclesiastics, and so may be returned in the form of a provision for the son or brother of him who pays; it will thus find auxiliaries where in old time it had perhaps opposition to expect, and may, without any extraordinary exertion or success, be recognized as the law of revenue for the Church of Rome in Ireland. Would an arrangement of this kind be impolitic? Would it be unwise to give the Roman Catholic people an endowment, inasmuch as the Church of England has not succeeded in adding numerous proselytes to her congregation? We do not abandon our assurance that soon this reproach will be taken away. We believe that, besides the number who profess themselves of the Church of England, there are multitudes of similar belief, who as yet have not cast off the livery of the Church of Rome. But admitting that a change was more distant than we believe it to be, would it be wise to endow the Church of Rome with the possessions rent from a Scriptural establishment. We know that there are many who promise that by such a compromise we could purchase tranquillity; but, we remember too well, we have already yielded to such delusions, and are now reaping the storm. This is because you did not pay the full price, and you therefore rather excited than appeased. But what is the full price? Almost every acre in Ireland is property of late confiscation-how shall we be assured that there be not in this, matter of further and more extravagant demand-how shall we sound the depths or measure the extent of that passion for independence, of which the manifestations have become unambiguous and so very alarming? If the discontent of the Irish people and the declamations of their priests have no more important object than that which is presented in the exaction of tithe, there are many, we have no doubt, who would recommend compliance with their wishes; bnt, if the tithe system be only one point of attack, and if there are desires yet latent, and waiting for their turn to appear, the most indifferent to the interests of the protestant Church, who feels anxious for the public good, may hesitate how far it would be prudent to dishearten the friends of England, encourage those who hate her name, by unnecessary, and therefore criminal concession. "Think you," said the Rev. Mr. M'Lowrey, at the Carlow Bible discussion, in the year 1824, "Think you the history of that oppression which the poor Irish suffered from your ancestors, is forgotten by her children? Think you that the descendants of those who deprived them of their literature, are those qualified to recommend themselves to them as teachers-those who hunted their priests, and burned their books, from whom they will consent to receive religion or education? Think you these circumstances are forgotten by the people? Oh no! no!Well, well do they recollect them. Their fathers took care to hand down the bloody memorandum to their children; and you-you are the people who seek to become their teachers. Those very children-the children of those men whom your ancestors robbed and butchered, were taught from their infancy to lisp the name of Sassenach, and with that name was combined, in their youthful imaginations, every thing that was cruel, bloody, and oppressive; every thing wicked in intention and bad in execution. The times are altered under our present government, and the portion of freedom we enjoy, gives token of the dawn of approaching liberty. The late change in the management of affairs, would induce us, poor Catholics, to forgive much of our former persecutions to draw a veil over centuries of persecution, oppression, and misrule, and to cast our bitter reminiscences into the current of oblivion. However near Catholics and Protestants may seem to be drawn, however closely they may appear to be united, the bond of amity does not exist, nor can there ever be perfect confidence between them. The embers of the old grudge still exist, and the Bible has been brought forward as the most effective instrument for fanning them into a flame. Why do those people interfere with the poor Catholics? Think ye not they recognise in the Protestant Clergymen the representatives of those men who killed or robbed their ancestors? They do -they do. A WORD TO THE WISE WILL BE ENOUGH. Leave the people to select their own religion. Sir, I conclude. I have discharged my duty to my religion as a minister, and to my country as a man." But, these words of passion were spoken before the great Act of Conciliation had been enrolled among our Statutes. The feeling which now disturbs the people of Ireland is no more than the sectarian rivalry which should naturally have been anticipated. Let this feeling be soothed and all will yet be well. This, we believe some have thought, and with such professions we fear some have disguised their real sentiments. We strongly apprehend that the indifference (or worse) of the lay gentry, in many instances, explains the rapidity of the organization by which the demand for tithe was defeated. The landlords did not make known the principle of that impost, show that it was in reality from their rents it was deducted, and cause the tenant to understand, that, if he expected favour and protection, he must fulfil the conditions of his contract. We by no means de. sign to pass a sweeping censure on the landed aristocracy of Ireland, but we are too thoroughly convinced that some among them rather fomented the discontent which they should have endeavoured to remove, some, who magnified the distinction between property lay and ecclesiastic, and vainly imagined that they could, by this unhappy policy, divert from their own possessions the passions which they let loose upon their spiritual instructors. The policy is not more unworthy than unlikely to prove successful. The disturbers, who have had assistance from the gentry in their struggle against parsons, will soon show, that the grievances they endure from the gentry themselves are not unregarded. We have quoted from the speech of a Rev. Gentleman who shared in a bible discussion at Carlow in 1824. We shall now quote from an equally impassioned divine who professed sentiments of a no less instructive character in September 1831, at what is termed "A Meeting of the Landholders of the county Carlow." Thus discourses the Rev. James Maher-“ Oh! Mr. Chairman, these subletting hard-hearted lords of the soil, have done more in the unholy cause of exciting discontent, and producing miseries than all the Captain Rocks that ever visited unfortunate Ireland. (Loud cheers.) Let me tell the oligarchy, the oppressors of the poor, the unjust magistrate or juror, who screens the murderer, that he shall himself stand convicted of that crime, not indeed before an earthly tribunal, but in the presence of the Almighty and everlasting God. As to the oppressors of the poor-the mighty ones who take from the weak and defenceless the means of subsistence, they are murderers in the strictest sense of the word. For, shall he be called a murderer who causes a single death, and he not a murderer who causes thousands to suffer and die? and that too to gratify his ambition, his avarice, or revenge. Speaking of them, the Psalmist says, they have slain the widow and the orphan, and murdered the fatherless.' To incur the guilt of murder, it is not necessary that we kill with our own hands. To connive at unjust killing, not to punish the deed if we have the power; to screen the murderer, makes us participators in his crime. The punishment due to the murderer was pronounced upon Ahab (3d book of Kings) by the lips of the Prophet. Although he did not kill Naboth, nor did he instigate directly any body to kill him; he merely, when Naboth was dead, suffered the deed to remain unpunished and took possession of his vineyard. Hast thou slain,' says the Prophet, and also taken possession? Thus saith the Lord, in the place wherein the dogs have licked the blood of Naboth, they shall lick thy blood also." Here is fair warning to any landlord who will dare to expel a refractory tenant from his estate. He becomes a murderer "in the strictest sense of the word," and is given to understand that ten thousand men are instructed by their priest in what, by divine appointment, is the murderer's portion. Doctor Doyle put a bridle on his lips for ten years rather than teach his people to separate their moral from their legal duties. Does he appear to have visited censure upon the Rev. James Maher? We know not. But it is not necessary to multiply extracts of this character. Ere now it has been made evident, that in the warfare waged against Irish property the landlord as well as the tithe receiver must look for opposition. For a time he was caressed, because his assistance was wanted. Without him the designs against the church establishment could not succeed, and therefore he was flattered, and where his integrity was not proof, stimulated by hopes that he should participate in the spoil which was expected. This was surely not in love to the Sassenach usurper. It is not from hearts infested by such remembrances as Mr. M'Swiney has described, he could rationally hope respect or affection. If he has not," said Doctor Doyle, speaking of himself, "inherited from his ancestors more property than most of the clergy of the establishment, it was owing to the operation of the penal laws, so late as in the life-time of his father, for even then these laws were sending some of 66 the best blood of Ireland to join, as Swift well expressed it, the ranks of coal-porters." Should the English landlord think that, by lending himself to the factious excesses of those, it may be, from whom he withholds the real object of their agitation, he shall be secure against aggression? No! If they caress him it is because as yet they want his services. For, being cannibals," says the Eastern Story," they fattened them that they might eat them." It was truly mournful, at no distant period, to witness the degree to which the incendiaries of Ireland had been successful; to see the Protestants there, reduced to that last extremity, when discord separates those who could be formidable only when united, to see the Protestant Clergy and the gentry of their creed exchanging jealous and angry recognitions, hemmed in by enemies on every side, and like the captives of the barbarian conqueror, gratifying the ferocious hordes which encompassed them, with mutual assaults and recriminations. What an assembly At this Carlow meeting another Rev. Gentleman delivered an oration well worthy of being noticed. We extract a passage, in which he indulges in a strain of ridicule which appears to have been well understood and highly relished by his audience, although to us it may seem to require some note of explanation: "But, Mr. Chairman, mark the insultingly magisterial vigilance of a certain Grand Jury. (Ha, ha, ha!) On pretence of dreading the manufacture of pikes, they summon all the blacksmiths of the country to appear in the court-house; they institute a public investigation into their characters; they make all the abovesaid blacksmith gentry take the oath of allegiance (as the blacksmiths expressed it) down on the nail, and then, forsooth, they grant licences to these unoffending poor tradesmen to pursue their avocations. This farce was got up and performed, as you are all aware, amid the scorn, the derision, and the contemptuous railing of every man, woman, and child in the country. It was said that every licensed blacksmith (ha, ha, ha,) should have a log about his neck, by way of rendering him harmless. (Ha, ha, ha!) Come, let us give one universal laugh at the comical act of logging blacksmiths. (Here the whole assembly burst out into a tremendous fit of laughter.) Let us give another louder laugh. (Here the laugh of the multitude became terrific.) Let us give a third laugh ten times louder still. (A third time the ten thousand vociferated one stupendous laugh, which actually shook the ground on which they stood.) I am glad you have given these mighty laughs. They are the exact suitable expressions to point out your contempt of the blacksmith humbug. As well might they summon at this moment all the pump-sinkers, and all the quarry-blasters, and make them take the oath of allegiance (ha, ha, ha!) for fear they might conspire to blow up the earth. (Ha, ha, ha!) Oh! the blacksmith investigation is really comical, and rather a good thing in its way, inasmuch as it gives a fine illustration of the hyper-sapient wisdom of our rulers-in fact, the country should be delighted, inasmuch as this proceeding has caused more merriment among the lower and higher classes than any judicial act hitherto published in Ireland. (Ha, ha, ha!)" Was this laughter occasioned by the thought that the blacksmiths of Carlow or Kildare could be suspected of forging pikes, or at the simplicity of the Magistrates who imagined that oaths could bind them? † Defence by J. K. L. p. 64. VOL. II. was that wherein they exhibited! What a band encircled that disgusting gladiatorship, where a terrified gentry dared only to strike against their church, and a dispirited and forsaken clergy looked round for aid which man dared not offer, and met not even the encouragement of a sympathising countenance! and what a crowd of gazers-what gratified malice-when England thus drew the sword upon herself, and feasted a brutal adversary with the spectacle of that last degradation! A better prospect seemed for a time The Protestants of to open upon us. Ireland had been aroused-they be came to a considerable extent united, and if we do not grossly miscalculate the moment of that moral courage which has ever characterised them in peril, they would not have fallen an easy prey to their enemies. There was however, and there still is much neutral Protestantism which would no more unite with the principles which are called " loyalty" than it would enrol itself in the ranks of agitation. To this body we would respectfully but had we the power, forcibly recommend, that they seriously bethink them of the danger, surely, and it may be, rapidly approaching, and determine how they will meet it. If their bias be to the Protestant side let them take care that, hereafter they bear not a reproach from having weakened it. Let them see that they be not confounded with the promoters of plans which they disapprove, and, however they may hesitate as to the assuming Orange ensigns, let them make a stand for Protestantism. If their inclinations be different, they should count the cost at which they would indulge them. The Sassenach may propitiate his national enemy, but not, surely, while retaining possessions which keep animosity alive. If he would win his cordial regard he must become divested of the broad lands (if he have them) which he holds by no title of modern justice, least spoils of slaughtered kindred-some cingula Pallantis pueri" enflame a relenting enemy into ungov ernable wrath, and warn him against the guilt of mercy. Our warning is spoken-and, altho' our argument has been rather suggest ed than fully developed, it is sufficiently plain for all to whom we could hope to bring conviction. In the story of the Church the landed aristocracy, may see their own perils predicted. Because the clergy of Ireland had not opportunity or power to defend themselves, their rights have been violated and their injuries are unredressed. their sufferings the protestant gentry should be taught, that modern justice "disdains the lowly, combats for the strong," and that, if they would secure its alliance, they should not lose a moment in taking counsel with each other, and revolving how best to meet THE COMING CRISIS. They are a colony in a hostile country, and if not closely and effectually united- THEY ARE LOST. By TO HERO'S TORCH. Love's bright interpreter, Love's signal brand, CRISIS OF WATERLOO. MAJOR GAWLER'S REPLY TO SIR HUSSEY VIVIAN. "Ecce iterum Crispinus!" Major Gawler is in the field again! Whether in "these piping times of peace" he is likely to come off with the same flying colours, with which the distinguished regiment to which he belongs has so often come off on other occasions, the reader will be better enabled to decide, after he has concluded the perusal of the present paper. But, that he is an adventurous man, and that any failure he may experience is not to be attributed to a lack of that daring courage, which has so often led our gallant soldiery to attempt, and even to accomplish what appeared to be impossibilities, will not, we think, be denied by any one who has read the plain and unvarnished statement of Sir Hussey Vivian, to which the Major's letter professes to be an an The matter in debate possesses not a little of historical interest; and, as it regards the reputation of the two brigades, one of which Sir Hussey commanded, and to the other, of which Major Gawler belonged, a correct decision respecting it is highly important. Our readers will bear in mind, that we assumed no other character than that of unbiassed arbitrators between these gallant officers, and that we suffered each of them to tell his own story in the fullest manner in his own words. That our opinion was not equivocal as to the side upon which the truth lay, very clearly appeared, while we are utterly unconscious of having of fered a single observation which might not have been anticipated by the reader. Indeed, in our anxiety to do perfect justice, we were not without a feeling of respect and regard for one who bears a commission in a regiment, the services of which may well be a source of national pride; and decisive as was the overthrow which the Major experienced, we were desirous that his fall should be as easy as possible, that the reputation of the corps should cover the indiscretion of the man, and that, if he did not reap any new harvest of glory from the novel species of war. fare in which he so rashly volunteered to engage, his discomfiture should not be attended by any painful humiliation. But the Major disdains our protection. He will not permit us to save him from himself. He has published a reply to Sir Hussey Vivian, in which the reiteration of the claims of his gallant regiment is strangely contrasted with admissions of the utter incorrectness of his first statement. As no indiscretion, or even discourtesy, on his part shall disturb us from our propriety, or induce us to assume any other character than that of impartial observers, we deem it right to put our readers distinctly in posses sion of those points, upon which Major Gawler is at variance with himself, as such variance, may and must form an important element in estimating the value of his opinion, upon those points where he still continues at variance with his distinguished correspondent. He has, in his present letter, given an entirely different account of the part of the battle to which his narrative is confined, from that which appeared in his first publication. He represents the sixth brigade as charging both from a position different from that which he had assigned to them before, and upon a portion of the enemy different from that against whom he had imagined their force was directed. He acknowledges also, that in the position given in his map to Grant's and Vandeleur's brigade, he was wrong. "In the description," he says, "of the period considered by me as the close of the action, you have proved incorrectness with regard to the precise character of the charges of your brigade, and the precise line of its advance, including the, to a small extent, erroneous statement of its "just appearing upon the summit." We quote this passage merely for the purpose of showing, how far the |