Minister of Foreign Affairs at Madrid, from which you will learn the views and the ground taken by this government, which it never can relinquish. From the perusal of these documents, you will at once perceive the necessity or propriety of carefully reviewing those instructions, and acting upon them in the mode that you may conceive most judicious for the purpose of again pointing the attention of the Spanish government to the alleged precariousness of the tenure by which Spain is supposed to hold her possessions in this quarter, and to obtain for your government the best intelligence which is in any way connected with the subject.

Whether recent reports are, or are not, unfounded or exaggerated, it is nevertheless highly desirable that you should sound the government of Spain, in order that the United States may know its sentiments and purposes with the same certainty and distinctness, that those of the United States have been so unreservedly and so repeatedly made known to it.

A copy of my letter to the consul has just been placed by me in the hands of the Chevalier D'Argaiz, minister of Spain, in Washington.

[Private and confidential.}

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, January 14, 1843.

SIR: A communication, from a highly respectable source, has just been received at this department, which purports to contain information of so serious a nature, in regard to the present condition of the island of Cuba, that the President has come to the conclusion that it is expedient to lose no time in ascertaining, if practicable, how far the real facts of the case may correspond with the representations. The name of the individual from whom these accounts have come is, for good reasons, withheld. It is sufficient to say that they come from the island, and have been transmitted from thence by a person of high standing, whose statements, as we are told by those who know the source, are believed to be entitled to as much consideration as those of any individual in Cuba. Acting under this belief, and influenced by the consideration that this government has frequently received intimations from various quarters in regard to Cuba, which give a color of probability to the statements which have thus been recently received, the President has instructed me to make this communication to you, to call your attention to the matter, and to desire you to transmit all the information you possess, or can obtain, in regard to it.

The necessity of absolute secrecy in everything that relates to the inquiries you are directed to make, and in the transmission of their result to your government, has obliged us to send to Havana a special messenger, who will take charge of, and deliver to you in person, this letter, and who will be directed to remain with you for some short time to afford you opportunity to prepare a reply, and to impart all the intelligence which may be within your reach.

It is proper, however, to apprize you that it is highly desirable that there should be as little detention as possible, as the President is ex

ceedingly anxious to be well informed upon the subject at the earliest practicable moment.

The messenger is unacquainted with the contents of this letter, and it is not necessary or desirable that the subject of this correspondence should be in any way made known to him. The amount of the information which has been received is this: the writer represents himself as bound in honor not to reveal what he has made known to his correspondent in the United States, to the local authorities of Cuba, for reasons which can only be guessed at.

His statements, confirmed as they appear to be in some particulars by various recent occurrences of a public character, with which you cannot but be familiar, are considered as entitled at least to serious attention, and to call for immediate examination and inquiry.

It is represented that the situation of Cuba is at this moment in the highest degree dangeous and critical, and that Great Britain has resolved upon its ruin; that Spain does not, or will not, see this intention, and that the authorities of the island are utterly incompetent to meet the crisis; that although, according to the treaty of 1817, the slave-trade ought not to have been carried on by any subject of Spain, it has, nevertheless, been continued in full vigor up to the year 1841, notwithstanding the incessant remonstrances of the British government, which was better informed, it is said, from month to month, of everything that took place in the island, than the Captain General himself. It is alleged that the British ministry and abolition societies, finding themselves foiled or eluded by the colonial and the home governments, have therefore resolved, not, perhaps, without secretly congratulating themselves upon the obstinacy of Spain, upon accomplishing their object in a different method by the total and immediate ruin of the island. Their agents are said to be now there in great numbers, offering independence to the creoles, on condition that they will unite with the colored people in effecting a general emancipation of the slaves, and in converting the government into a black military republic, under British protection. The British abolitionists reckon on the naval force of their government stationed at Jamaica and elsewhere, and are said to have offered two large steamships-of-war, and to have proposed to the Venezuelian general, Marino, who resides at Kingston, Jamaica, to take the command of an invading army. This is to be seconded, as is suggested, by an insurrection of the slaves and free men of color, supported by the white creoles.

If this scheme should succeed, the influence of Britain in this quarter, it is remarked, will be unlimited. With 600,000 blacks in Cuba, and 800,000 in her West India islands, she will, it is said, strike a deathblow at the existence of slavery in the United States. Intrenched at Havana and San Antonio, ports as impregnable as the rock of Gibraltar, she will be able to close the two entrances to the Gulf of Mexico, and even to prevent the free passage of the commerce of the United States: over the Bahama banks, and through the Florida channel.

The local authorities are believed not to be entirely ignorant of the perils which environ them, but are regarded as so torpid as not to be competent to understand the extent and imminency of those perils, nor the policy by which Great Britain is guided.

The wealthy planters are described as equally blind to the great danger in which they stand of losing their property. They go on, it is said, as usual, buying negroes, clamoring for the continuation of the trade, and denouncing as seditious persons, and friends of Great Britain, the few who resist the importation of slaves, and encourage the immigration of free whites.

The writer points to the census of the population of the island, taken by authority, and just published, of which he encloses a copy; and from the proportion between the different colors, he infers the probability that the white creoles will be able to preserve their rights in the future Ethiopico Cuban Republic; and as to the Spaniards, he presumes that they will leave the island at once. The writer very naturally supposes that the United States must feel a deep solicitude upon a subject which so nearly concerns their own interests and tranquillity. He seems anxious that public opinion in this country should be formed upon it and properly directed, and does not hesitate to express the opinion that the mass of the white population of Cuba, in easy circumstances, including the Spaniards, prefer, and will always prefer, the flag of the United States to that of England.

In thus communicating to you the substance of the statements of this writer, you will distinctly understand that your government neither adopts nor rejects his speculations. It is with his statement of supposed facts that it concerns itself; and it is expected that you will examine and report upon them, with scrupulous care, and with as much promptness as strict secrecy and discretion will permit; and the whole of the statements is now imparted to you, not to limit, but to guide and direct the inquiries you are called upon to make in so delicate a matter. It is quite obvious that any attempt on the part of England to employ force in Cuba, for any purpose, would bring on a war, involving, possibly, all Europe, as well as the United States; and as she can hardly fail to see this, and probably does not desire it, there may be reason to doubt the accuracy of the information we have received, to the extent to which it proceeds. But many causes of excitement and alarm exist, and the great magnitude of the subject makes it the duty of the government of the United States to disregard no intimations of such intended proceedings, which bear the least aspect of probability.

The Spanish government has long been in possession of the policy and wishes of this government in regard to Cuba, which have never changed, and has been repeatedly told that the United States never would permit the occupation of that island by British agents or forces upon any pretext whatsoever; and that in the event of any attempt to wrest it from her, she might securely rely upon the whole naval and military resources of this country, to aid her in preserving or recovering it.

A copy of this letter will be immediately transmitted to the American minister at Madrid, that he inay make such use of the information it contains as circumstances may appear to require.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT B. CAMPBELL, Esq.,

U. S. Consul at Havana.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

Mr. Webster to Mr. Irving.

[Extract.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, March 14, 1843.

A reply to the confidential letter from this department, of 11th January, to the consul at Havana, a copy of which was sent to you in my despatch No. 11, has been received. From the reply, it would seem that as far as the consul knew or could obtain intelligence upon the subject from the authorities of the island and from other sources, the information which has been received here is, as was supposed, greatly exaggerated. Enough, however, of danger and alarm still exists in that quarter to render caution and vigilance, on the part of this government, indispensably necessary.

Mr. Upshur to Mr. Irving.

[Extract.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, January 9, 1844.

pre

The delicate nature of our relations with Spain in regard to the island of Cuba, taken in connexion with the supposed designs of another power upon that territory, renders it necessary that this government should exercise a sleepless vigilance in watching over the rights of Spain in that quarter, in a matter that so nearly concerns her own interests and security. You will, therefore, lose no time in endeavoring to ascertain the present views and feelings of the Spanish government upon this important point, and communicate to your own all the information you can obtain in regard to it. It is necessary that Spain should be duly impressed with the importance of such a crisis as late events have led this government to apprehend as altogether probable and near at hand, and it is still more necessary that this government should be pared to act with a perfect understanding of the whole subject with reference to its own safety and interests. In the event that Spain. shall so far yield to the pressure upon her as to concede to Great Britain any control over Cuba, the fact will necessarily have an important influence over the policy of this government. It is difficult to give you any positive instructions upon this subject, and you are therefore left to your own discretion as to what you shall say, and to whom. It may be advisable to confer confidentially with some of the friends of the Chevalier D'Argaiz, who are represented to have influence, and to whom, therefore, it may be politic to impart the feelings and wishes of this government on the occasion. My only object is to obtain full and accurate information in regard to every movement which England may make with reference to Cuba, whether designed to obtain a transfer of that island to herself, or to obtain a control over the policy of Spain in regard to it, or to affect the institution of African slavery now existing

there. The modes in which you may acquire this information are submitted to your discretion.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. P. UPSHUR.

Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Saunders.

[Extract.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, February 4, 1847.

The enclosed paper, marked "extract," is a copy of one received from Mr. Yulee, Senator from Florida, who states certain particulars in regard to the writer of the letter from which the "extract" is made, showing that he has enjoyed very peculiar opportunities for becoming well informed upon the subject. Mr. Yulee says, in conclusion, that he is "of opinion that the information he gives is deserving the attention of this government." It would seem scarcely within the bounds of possi bility, that any consideration which could possibly be offered by Spain could operate as an effectual inducement with Great Britain to relinquish Gibraltar. A knowledge of the views of Mr. Yulee's correspondent, even although they should be erroneous in this particular, may, however, prove useful to

you.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

SIR: By direction of the President, I now call your attention to the present condition and future prospects of Cuba. The fate of this island must ever be deeply interesting to the people of the United States. We are content that it shall continue to be a colony of Spain. Whilst in her possession we have nothing to apprehend. Besides, we are bound to her by the ties of ancient friendship, and we sincerely desire to render these perpetual.

But we can never consent that this island shall become a colony of any other European power. In the possession of Great Britain, or any strong naval power, it might prove ruinous both to our domestic and foreign commerce, and even endanger the union of the States. The highest and first duty of every independent nation is to provide for its own safety; and, acting upon this principle, we should be compelled to resist the acquisition of Cuba by any powerful maritime State, with all the means which Providence has placed at our command.