Who may register as voters.

The preservation of the roll.

at the same time disfranchising any considerable number of white

voters.

There shall be general registrations in the counties, cities and towns of the State during the years of nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and three at such times and in such manner as may be prescribed by an ordinance of this Convention. At such registrations every male citizen of the United States having the qualifications of age and residence required in section Eighteen shall be entitled to register, if he be:

First. A person, who prior to the adoption of this Constitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of the United States or of the Confederate States; or,

Second. A son of any such person; or,

Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for the year next preceding that in which he offers to register, state taxes aggregating at least one year have been paid; or,

Fourth. A person able to read any section of this Constitution submitted to him by the officers of registration and to give a reasonable explanation of the same; or, if unable to read such section, able to understand and give a reasonable explanation thereof when read to him by the officers.

A roll containing the names of all persons thus registered, sworn to and certified by the officers of registration, shall be filed, for record and preservation, in the clerk's office of the circuit court of the county, or the clerk's office of the corporation court of the city, as the case may be. Persons thus enrolled shall not be required to register again, unless they shall have ceased to be residents of the State, or become disqualified by section Twenty-three.

At the close of the Louisiana constitutional convention of 1898, Hon. Thomas J. Semmes, chairman of the judiciary committee, made the following defense of the policy of restricting political power to the white population of the state.

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention:

Now we have gotten through with our work. It is about to go

The state is

the Democratic party.

forth throughout the length and breadth of this State to be submitted to the criticisms of the people. This is the work of a Democratic Convention. This is the work of the Democratic party of the State, represented by its selected agents appointed to do that work. If we have done any thing wrong, any thing which will involve the dissolution or disintegration or defeat of the Democratic party, then we ought to be condemned. It has been stated in some quarters that we have been actuated to a certain extent by party spirit. Granted. What of it? What is the State? It is the Democratic party. (Applause.) What are the people of the State? They are the Democracy of the State, and when you eliminate the Democratic party or the Democracy of the State from the State, what is there left but that which we came here to suppress? I don't allude to the fragments of what is called the Republican party. We met here to establish the supremacy of the white race, and the white race constitutes the Democratic party of this State. There is, therefore, in my judgment, no separation whatever between the interests of the State and those of the Democratic party, and if we are to be subjected to criticism because our ordinances may have been colored, with the view, in some instances, of promoting the interests of the Democratic party, as those interests are not separated from the State, I feel no hesitancy in saying that we have done no injury to the State. It is said that we sought to establish our party in power. Wher- The Demoever there were political questions involved, of course, we looked to the interests of the party, because they are the interests of the State. Whoever heard of a political party being in the ascendancy, and in power and undertaking to do any act to remove that ascendancy or to impair their power? Look throughout the nations of Europe. In all of their political matters; in all of their statesmanship; those who are in power seek to maintain it, and, with that power to promote the interests of the State which they govern. If it is so as to nations, it is so as to parties. Does the Republican party throughout the United States ever do any act without looking to the interests of the party, as well as to the interests of the

cratic party must main

tain ascendancy.

White manhood suffrage established.

No former voter to be disfran

chised.

The exception made on account of illiteracy.

nation? And have they not remained in the ascendancy for years? Do we, who have obtained the ascendancy but recently in this State, wish the Democratic party to do any act by which its ascendancy shall be impaired? It is absolutely absurd.

Now then, what have we done? is the question. Our mission was, in the first place, to establish the supremacy of the white race in this State to the extent to which it could be legally and constitutionally done, and what has our ordinance on suffrage, the constitutional means by which we hope to maintain that ascendancy, done? We have established throughout the State white manhood suffrage. A great cry went out that there should be a poll tax; that there should be an educational test; that as a qualification for a voter, he should be a property owner. We have in the ordinance established those qualifications which are necessary to be possessed in order to entitle these citizens to vote.

Very few people under

But a hue and cry has been raised by people who are entirely ignorant of the fact which we have shown, against what is called section 5 of the ordinance on suffrage. Now, what is section 5? Very few people know anything about it. stand its effects. They have taken their ideas from outside criticism and suppose that we have committed some very great wrong. I repeat, what is section 5? It is a declaration on the part of this Convention, that no white man in this State - that's the effect but not the language that no white man in this State who has heretofore exercised the right of suffrage shall be deprived of it, whether or not he can read or write, or whether he possesses the property qualification. That is the meaning of it; nothing more and nothing less. It declares that every white man between now and the 1st day of September next, although he may not be able to read and write, although he does not possess the property qualification, may, notwithstanding, if he register himself pursuant to this ordinance of the Constitution, be thereafter entitled to vote. .

Now, why was this exception made? Because, and I am ashamed to say it, Louisiana is one of the most illiterate States

in the Union. It is more illiterate than any other State except North Carolina. We, therefore, have in this State a large white population whose right to vote would have been stricken down but for the operation of section 5. And all of these men had aided the white people of the State to wrest from the hands of the Republican party, composed almost exclusively of negroes, the power which, backed by Federal bayonets, they had exercised for many years. Now can we go to them, these men who stood side by side with us in the dark days of reconstruction and say to them that a convention of Louisianians has deprived them of the right to vote? Could we face these men who have always been Democrats; who have always aided us in achieving the ascendancy of the Democratic party in this State with such a record as that?

164. Arguments on Woman's Suffrage

The question of woman's suffrage was debated at length in the New York constitutional convention of 1894, and in the course of the discussion, Mr. Hirschberg made the following argument against granting the vote to women.

and on

Now, Mr. President, I have listened to the speeches which have been delivered here by the supporters of this movement, the merits of the question remain unconvinced. The burden of the case rests with those who would disturb the existing order of things, and to my mind, nothing has been urged by them which should carry conviction. There has been considerable inflammatory declamation, a great deal of emotional sentiment, some rhetorical denunciation, a little good-natured poetical and trenchant buffoonery, but of pure and powerful argument calculated to satisfy the sober judgment that the State is ripe for female government and control, there has been nothing. No advocate of the measure has demonstrated that active participation in the affairs of the State can be assumed at this time by our female citizens without injury to both. Until that is done until it is shown that woman may become a politician without losing something of the precious charm of her personality, and that the State may exact her services

Granting the

suffrage an

injury to the state and to

women.

The present position of woman is enviable.

Woman

should not be dragged into political strife.

in that capacity without imperilling its stability and tranquillity, it is surely the conservative course of wisdom to retain the existing conditions under which we have achieved our great happiness and prosperity.

The present position of woman in this State is most enviable. She has education in its fullest and highest development. She has the absolute and unfettered ownership of her property. Every avenue of trade for which she is fitted physically is freely opened to her and in the enjoyment of her rights she is protected by equal laws, which are jealously and even sympathetically enforced for her benefit. Never has there been a time in the history of the world when her happiness has been so assured, her advancement so stimulated and encouraged, or her independence, within the limits of her physical possibilities and the necessity of a continuance of her domestic dominion, so ample and so protected. In the domains of science, of art, of literature, and of charitable and religious labor, her position is that of a specially-invited and a favored worker. And with it all, she is still permitted to retain her essentially sweet and feminine qualities, which draw to her the respect, the deference and the homage of man, commensurate in its nature, extent, intensity and chivalry with the ennobling advancement of our civilization. She rules at the fire-side, in the school-room, by the bed of pain and in the temples of charity; and her powerful influence pervades every department of human endeavor, industry and enlightenment, unmixed with baser matter. She is recognized as the great and tender ameliorating factor in every relation of our complex life.

I would not drag her down from this high and favored position at the instigation of thoughtless agitators to take her chances in the turmoil of our political life without the clearest evidence that it is necessary for the maintenance of her independence and the preservation of her happiness. I would not apply the flame of partisan strife to the fuel of domestic discord. I would not endanger the quiet of our homes by an additional element of disruption, of contention, of bitterness and animosity, under circum