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of the group of silver States should the Minneapolis convention adopt a platform and candidate opposed to the free coinage of silver. It is true that in the course of the speech referred to, this distinguished senator unsparingly denounced the Force Bill as "the most infamous measure that had ever entered the Senate," although he admitted that his vote in committee had been necessary to bring the bill before the Senate, and at the same time he emphatically denied that any agreement had ever been made between the opponents of the Force Bill and the friends of free silver coinage to prevent its consideration.

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This claim of rightful power to make the private property of individuals more valuable to them by an exercise of the powers of public taxation is precisely the same in its nature and is not distinguishable from the same claim as is presented in nearly every feature of the McKinley tariff bill. The owners of silver bullion are therefore using the same arguments and exerting their great influence to accomplish the same ends as the other beneficiaries under the system of protective" taxation. The silver owners are all members of the associated tariff owners' scheme; and free silver, as claiming its share in the scheme of governmental protection, and the Force Bill, as the means of continuing in power the party of protection by establishing congressional returning boards of the Louisiana pattern, are cognate measures having a common origin and a necessarily common result, which is the "communism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the justice and integrity of free institutions."

The history of these two measures, so unexpectedly thrown by the cross-seas of politics into an apparent counter-action, and the part that each has played in relation to the other, form a curious and instructive episode in the history of American politics. Originating, as I have stated, in the same view of governmental powers and the claim for their use for private profit, it is yet the fact that happily each operated to check and overthrow the other when they were tossed together"Eye of newt, and toe of frog,

Wool of bat, and tongue of dog"

into the witches' caldron of party politics. But this chance medley of opposition does not alter the fact of their mutual identity and inclusion in the scheme to change the organic forces of our Government and its practical effects upon the liberties of the people. The right to its share of "protection" on the part of the silver-producing industry is as just and clear, and is as confidently claimed as that of any other

industry, and the origination and strength of the silver movement is in the mining States, whose solid vote in both Houses is in full sympathy and communion with the objects of the Republican party. The silver purchasing and coining measures of 1878 and 1890 were in each case concessions to the protection element in the Republican party, and were designed to give an artificial value to silver by lending the legislative power of the Government to assert the private interests of silver owners, and they were also contrivances to promote unity of action between its members.

The false principle which underlies both these measures, the recog nition of the false position in which the Government has been placed by these enactments, and the increasing comprehension of the dangers attendant upon our losing our gold standard of value, have at last been so far appreciated by the American people that nothing is now clearer or more undeniable than that no political party and no candidate can receive a majority of the popular vote in November next, unless they possess the unquestioning and implicit confidence of the country that under no circumstances will they depart from the present standard and measure of values, and that their unit of value shall be stable and of such intrinsic value as to be self-sustaining at its nominal value the wide world over. I am convinced that the instinct of self-preservation of the country is now so thoroughly aroused that it will not permit any doubt on this subject to attach to the candidate or the purposes of the party to whom their suffrages shall be given, nor tolerate shuffling or straddling or electioneering postponements. Nor will it follow further a course that is leading us toward difficulties that increase with our progress—I mean the ultimate disposition we will have some day to make of the enormous and growing accumulation of silver bullion.

A careful study of the Force Bill and its possibilities must convince any reasonable mind, as it did Senator Teller's, that it is “infamous," and that under its execution the Southern States would soon retain scarcely the forms and but little of the substance of free representation, so that its enactment would be a signal of despair for the peace and prosperity of those communities whose recuperative energies have been so happily and splendidly exhibited ever since the control of their affairs has been remitted to their own hands without exterior interference or molestation. When it is thus made evident that the free-silver movement and the bill to control free

elections have the same origin and are parts of the same plan of campaign, it would seem impossible to imagine a condition of public sentiment in the Southern States so suicidal as to permit, or in any way or under any pretext allow, the enactment of either of such laws to be made possible. As the case now stands, it may truly be said that the possibility of the revival and enactment of the Force Bill of the Fifty-first Congress, or some measure having a similar intent and object, can be accomplished only by the action of the voters of the Southern States by failing to sustain the party organization and its candidate logically and absolutely pledged to the defeat of all the allied measures with which the free-silver coinage bill is associated. The opportunity and duty of the national Democracy are clearly in view and logically sustain each other. The issues framed by wise Democratic statesmanship in 1887 and 1888 now need only to be unwaveringly supported, in order to be favorably decided by the great tribunal of an aroused public opinion in 1892.

The articulate demand of the hour is for the reformation and reduction of the existing tariff so that unnecessary taxes shall cease, and necessary taxes shall flow directly into the public Treasury and not indirectly into the private coffers of favored classes; the establishment of a system of freer exchange of our agricultural and other natural products for the raw materials produced in foreign countries, whereby our manufacturers will find their way open to expanded markets in which they may profitably compete, our shipping interests will be revived, and our mercantile marine enabled to regain its former supremacy; and the and the power of monopolies and "trusts " will be curbed and not, as at present, assisted. It is the paramount duty of the National Democracy to hold these great and patriotic objects high above all possible obscuration by machine methods or personal intrigue, and as an essential basis for all this quickened commerce, foreign and domestic, manufactures and merchant marine, we must agree upon and unequivocally proclaim the maintenance of a sound and stable standard and measure of value in the unit of money upon which the whole superstructure of credit and payments can be securely conducted.

For all this the people of the United States now stand prepared and joyfully expectant, and, with the confidence derived from four years of Democratic administration-from 1885 to 1889-are ready to renew it unless deterred by want of frank explicitness in the party declaration at Chicago, or doubts as to sincerity and real purposes of

the nominees. The policies of the Republican party, on the other hand, have not changed, but are plainly intensified. The triumphs of the McKinley bill are still loudly vaunted by its beneficiaries, and although already stamped with popular disapproval, are not abandoned or even modified; the principles of taxation on which it is constructed are intended to be still more forcibly exercised. New taxes for pro tection, with revenue as an incident only, or a prohibitory system upon importations provocative of retaliation, and nothing less than commercial warfare upon friendly nations-these are brazenly upheld and advocated; the purchases of silver bullion by the Government are to be continued despite the dangers, alarmingly apparent, of their dislocating the gold pivot in the Treasury, upon which alone the interconvertibility of our various forms of currency is made possible. The triple alliance between the Treasury, the associate possessors of the national taxing powers, and the Force Bill, which is one of the adjuncts of the system, however varying in form or expression, has found the same manifest intent and meaning in every State convention up to the present time. Thus the McKinley tariff, the Force Bill, and the freesilver coinage are three branches of the same stock, parts of the same plan of campaign. The welfare and happiness of the country require that they shall be overthrown, and I have written this paper to assist in that good work.

T. F. BAYARD.

REASONS FOR REPUBLICAN CONTROL.

UNDER healthful political conditions, issues are never made oy parties. They arise naturally in the course of events. Men form opinions as to the interest of a state, associate themselves together to give those opinions effect, choose candidates for legislative and execu tive offices who believe in and represent those opinions. These associations are called political parties. When a party is found inquiring upon what issues it can hope to gain power, when it avows or conceals its opinion for that purpose alone, especially when it avows one opinion in one part of the country and another in another part, that party is not fit to be trusted. The most serious and fatal charge which can be brought or ever could be brought against the Democratic party is that the motto upon which it has acted has ever been: Power first, conviction afterward. The Democratic party since the time of Abraham Lincoln has sought in its candidate for the Presidency a mask and not a representative. On the other hand, no thoughtful and candid man will question, whether he believe in all the doctrines of the Republican party or any of them, or not, that it avows its principles and purposes, and will select a candidate whose opinions are thoroughly well known, are without disguise or concealment, and will be acted upon under all circumstances and conditions.

The Democratic party, from the earliest period of its history, has always gone farther in the direction of mischief than its supporters, or at least those of them whose votes turn the scale in the election, expected when its candidates were chosen. The old encroachments of the slave power which preceded the war, the annexation of Texas, the repeal of the Missouri compromise, the Dred Scott decision, the national support of border ruffianism in Kansas, and the rebellion itself were acts of the Democratic party which it never would have ventured upon if it had been compelled to avow its purposes in the national elections which preceded them. The disastrous tariff of 1846, which in the period which preceded the war brought the country to the verge of bankruptcy and carried so many flourishing and promising industries to their ruin, was enacted by a party which had borne on

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