each and all of these necessities; but we can easily imagine our navy remaining at the antipodes for a generation and we being none the worse for it.

Our national security from outside attack rests chiefly on the same ground as that of ordinary citizens in ordinary civil life. The chief reason that our neighbours are not committing arson, perjury, and homicide is not because they are afraid of prison cell or hangman's noose. It is because their environment, education, and experience have made such crimes loathsome to them and because they know right well they would have more to lose than gain in the end by turning felons. Only a small minority require the police.

The peace party as such is not opposed to the use of force; but it sharply distinguishes between the kind of force which aims to secure a judicial decision and the kind that aims to settle by explosives such questions as boundaries, or honour, or payment of debts. Navies never compel offenders to go to court. They aim at victory, irrespective of justice. The matter of chief moment is not peace, but justice. There never was a just war; if one side was right, the other side was wrong, and sometimes both were wrong, but never by any possibility were both right; and any measure of justice that was achieved was accompanied by a thousand injustices toward the innocent; therefore war stands condemned.

After the gradual reduction of national armies and navies, a minimum force will doubtless be retained as an international police to maintain law and order and justice. A foreshadowing of this was seen when German, French, English, Japanese, Russian, and American forces, under a German general, marched in 1900 to the relief of the legations at Pekin. An international police under world government is an integral part of the programme for an organised world.

The peace movement is primarily a movement for Justice. The scales of justice, not the dove or olive leaf, is the best symbol of the world-wide movement to substitute the system of law for the system of war, and is now so used at national peace

congresses.

The peace party has been looked upon as visionary; on the contrary, it is based on precedent and logic, and deals only with reasonable probabilities. The big navy party, ignoring the psychology of internationalism, deals in visionary fashion with hypothetical, theoretical dangers. It is within the limits of possibility that Canada will burn Detroit, that our troops will sack Quebec, that New York will be wiped out by a tidal wave and an earthquake; a million things may be possible, not one of which is in the least probable. Galveston was wiped out by a tidal wave, but shall we therefore spend one hundred million dollars in putting a high wall of reinforced cement around Manhattan? No sane, strong people like ourselves

can be pardoned if we focus attention on mere possibilities of danger, when definite, certain evils daily threaten us within our midst, against which we are grossly unprepared.

CHAPTER III

INTERDEPENDENCE

WHO

WHOEVER helps to make nations interdependent helps to make them friends. Whoever makes men friends when they were not friends has put a little cog into the great wheel of world organisation.

What has the International Institute of Agriculture at Rome to do with the peace movement? Much, every way. It concerns all people in fortyseven civilised countries who wear wool, or cotton, or linen, or silk, or leather. It concerns all who eat vegetables, or fruits, or cereals, or eggs, or meat. It affects all who use wood, or paper, or who buy, or sell, or make furniture and buildings, whether the material be in raw or finished forms. It affects farmers and farm employees and workers in textile and paper industries. It affects all those who need salvation from the ravages of insect pests and all those who want the trade and custom of those thus affected. It affects whoever desires to prevent famines, to equalise prices, to prevent "corners" in produce on the exchange, and to promote economic justice. It aids all those who