if prompted with a demoniac malignity to make the Papist feel that exemption in favour of the Dissenters still more sorely, a Bill was brought in in 1723, for still more effectually preventing the further growth of Popery. This Bill, however, contained a clause of so atrocious and monstrons a nature, against the Catholic clergy, that the whole barbarous measure was suppressed in England. Thus, for once, in the history of his country, did the Irish Papist find the statute (6th Geo. I.) a blessing and a protection. What a striking exemplification of the workings of that Providence which extracts some sweets from every bitter, some good from every evil! In 1727, on the accession of George II., the Catholics ventured to prepare an address to the new monarch. In this address they gave strong expression to their loyalty, and pledged themselves to a continuance of their faithful and peaceable demeanour. The address was presented by Lord Delvin to the lords justices, and was accompanied by a prayer that it might be transmitted to the king; but, it was received with the most contemptuous silence, and was, of course, never forwarded to England. Hitherto, Catholics might vote at elections, by taking the oaths of allegiance and abjuration; but, in this very year in which they addressed the new monarch, the Irish Parliament rewarded their loyalty and peacefulness by a bill, which deprived them of this last vestige of constitutional rights. Such then was Ireland, degraded in her Parliament and her people, when Grattan-the day star arose above the darkened horizon of his country's ruined hopes and fallen fortunes-the harbinger of a brilliant, but transient epoch, which serves, alas! only to render still more hideously manifest the horrid gloom which it dispelled, and the hideous darkness in which it was itself in turn extinguished. When we parted company with Grattan, we left him at school, enjoying himself with the hardiest, but by no means the most agreeable of the manly exercises. In the interval, whilst we were journeying over the historic field down to the point at which we are now arrived, he has passed through Trinity College," eaten his terms" (as it is phrased) in the Middle Temple, listened to the glowing oratory of Burke and Chatham, with the wrongs of America for their theme; left the avocations of the bar, to which he was called, in 1772, for the more exciting and congenial pursuits of politics, and is now sitting member for the borough of Charlemont, of which his friend, Lord Charlemont, had the patronage. The principal talent of the Irish Parliament was, at this time, arrayed against the Ministers, and the eloquence of the intellectual array within the House was effectually aided by the more potent, though voiceless eloquence of the serried ranks outside, of a native soldiery, whose name and exploits shall be more explicitly mentioned in the proper place. This armed body took its rise in 1777. In that year, in consequence of the war which was being waged with the revolted American colonies, a few soldiers only were left in Ireland to resist threatened invasion, and a petition to the Crown for a garrison, was met by the answer that the Government could not, under the circumstances, afford any adequate potection. Government being thus confessedly unable to protect them, the Irish resolved to protect themselves, and accordingly volunteers, composed of men who had a stake in the country—of the upper and middle classes— formed themselves into regiments, and those were headed by the Earl of Charlemont, who played a most prominent part in the transactions of this memorable period. The effect of this general arming of the respectable classes soon became apparent in Parliament, and so confident did the leaders of the opposition, with Grattan at their head, become of the strength of their position, that in 1779, they proposed an amendment to the address, in which they declared the necessity of free trade, and succeeded in carrying the motion without the shadow of resistance on the part of the Crown. Emboldened by his success, and encouraged by the favourable aspect of public affairs, Grattan saw that the time had come to strike a legal and constitutional blow for Ireland, by relieving her of the miserable mockery of a Parliament, which was unable to act without the sanction of the English Privy Council. With that view, on the 19th April, 1780, he rose in his place to propose the memorable motion known in history as the "Declaration of Irish Right." It would be quite needless to make any quotation from this familiar and immortal speech, which has been delivered in all the varieties of pitch and intonation of which the Hibernian voice is susceptible, and in every form and fashion of emphasis and pronunciation of which the English language is not susceptible, by every generation of Irish schoolboys, from Grattan's time down to the present day. In fact, Grattan is as regularly "heard for his cause" 66 as Romans, countrymen, and lovers." It will be sufficient to say in this place that as a specimen of vigorous, impassioned eloquence, and as a burning, enthusiastic assertion of national rights, this speech is entitled to an honoured place amongst the most imperishable efforts of ancient or modern oratory. Even those, whom its reasoning may fail to convince, if there be in their hearts one chord which can beat responsive to its impassioned tone, will readily pay the tribute of honest admiration to its exquisite imagery and polished diction. It made Grattan at once the idol of the Irish people. This was followed by a series of stirring events, during the succeeding two years, which, however important in themselves, we must pass over in a necessarily brief sketch of this kind. At the end of that time, that is to say, in 1782, Lord North, and the obstinate pig-headed ministry that lost America to England, went out of office, and were succeeded by the Rockingham ministry, of which the illustrious Charles James Fox was a prominent member; and after an unsuccessful attempt by Fox to get rid of the Irish difficulty by diplomacy, the British Parliament acknowledged the legislative independence of Ireland. This occurred on the 16th April, 1782, when Grattan moved the celebrated “Declaration of Irish Independence" (which was carried nem. con.) as an amendment in an address to the Crown. The marrow of this celebrated document, which is too long to quote in extenso, is contained in the following passage, which was so familiar to the Irish public in the days of O'Connell's agitation for a Domestic Legislature. That there is no body of men competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland; nor any other Parliament which hath any authority, or power of any sort whatever, in this country, save only the Parliament of Ireland." That Grattan and the sturdy patriots of his days considered the most rigid loyalty to be reconcileable with the most vigorous and uncompromising assertion of Legislative Independence, appears from the following passage in the address, which declares that the people of Ireland "never expressed a desire to share the freedom of Eng land, without declaring a determination to share her fate likewise-standing or falling with the British nation.” " Though it is vain to deny that a great deal may be granted to the powers of eloquence, yet, it would be rather much to suppose that such a triumph could have been achieved even by such oratorical powers as Grattan possessed. The tauridity of John Bull is not easily moved by any eloquence, still less by what he depreciatingly calls Irish eloquence; but, he saw behind Grattan's back 80,000 volunteers, ready-armed for a Bullbait, if their reasonable demands were refused. His recent transatlantic experiences taught him that such a mode of amusement, however grateful it might be to Irish volunteers, would be anything but pleasing to a poor Bull, whose back was still smarting, bruised and blackened from a castigation lately received in America, the band playing "Yankee doodle." He therefore kept at a respectful distance from the volunteers, whom he affected not to see, bellowed a little, stamped, and flourished his tail in order to show some pluck, had then recourse to the unsuccessful negociations of his artful friend-a Fox-and when ultimately driven to bay, and anxious, like Cæsar, to consult for his dignity, even in his last moments, he thought it would appear better if he pretended to yield to the arguments of Grattan rather than to the threats of his armed associates. He accordingly acceded to that gentleman's request, for whose eloquence and patriotism, he now, for the first time, professed a vehement admiration. Mr. J. H. Hutchinson, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State, in communicating a message to the House of Commons from the Lord Lieutenant, by command of his Majesty, as preliminary to assenting to their claim, said"Not only the present age, but posterity would be indebted to Mr. Grattan for the greatest of all obligations; and would, but he hoped at a great distance of time, inscribe upon his tomb, that he had redeemed the liberties of his country." The position of Grattan, therefore, in this great movement is that of leader of the van of the armed citizens, who, taking their designation from this epoch, are familiar to us all as the Volunteers of '82. They had been enrolled for the purpose of protecting their country from foreign invasion, but Grattan's eloquence and ardent patriotism determined them to take a bold and manly stand for domestic independence. Thê consequence of that stand was just what we have narrated. In speaking thus of Grattan, in connexion with this period, we only say what has been so often said and sung in the familiar ballad— When Grattan rose None dare oppose The claims he made for freedom; To back his words, Were ready, did he need them. THE ROMANCE OF LIFE-OLD PRISONS. BY FRANK THORPE PORTER, ESQ., A.M. CHAPTER III. No place of confinement could be built with a greater tendency to deter persons from becoming its inmates, than the former city gaol of Dublin; the soot-begrimed walls and rusty portal of which still bear the name of Newgate, whilst its front constitutes a considerable portion of a small locality, the aspect of which suggests no idea of verdure, nevertheless it is called Green-street. The interior is not well adapted for security, as numerous escapes have proved; and cleanliness ceases to be a difficulty, and merges into impossibility. It is a place replete with fatal memories, which it is not the object of this contribution to evoke, and, consequently, the reader will not have to recoil from an unexaggerated description of human suffering. In one of the back yards, to the right of the entrance, was the place of confinement for the condemned, the walls of which in former days exhibited initials, and sometimes entire names, of unhappy denizens. In the year 1815, after the execution of a culprit for forging notes of the Bank of Ireland, the following lines were found pencilled on the door of his cell: "Unhappy wretch, whom Justice calls It is to be hoped that the soul of the poor prisoner experienced the "mysterious change" which his untimely fate led him so fully to appreciate. When Oliver Bond was under sentence of death for treason, and whilst there was every probability that the law would take its course, he was permitted, during the daytime, to occupy an upper apartment, the door of which was partly of glass. Mrs. Bond was as much with him as the regulations permitted, and was sitting in this room upon the day when Mr. Michael William Byrne was executed as a United Irishman. The fatal procession had to pass close by the door of Bond's apartment, and, as it approached, Mr. Byrne remarked to the sheriff, that as Mrs. Bond was with her husband, she would be deeply shocked by seeing a person pass to that scaffold on which, it was supposed, Mr. Bond would suffer in a few days. Mr. Byrne then suggested, that they should stoop and creep noiselessly by the door, so as to escape her observation. His wish was complied with ; and on reaching the drop, he turned to the sheriff, and remarked, with an air of great satisfaction, "We managed that uncommonly well." This spontaneous solicitude to spare the feelings of an afflicted female, surpasses even the gallant Count Dillon, who was one of the victims of the Reign of Terror in France, and who, when he arrived at the guillotine, was requested by a female fellow-sufferer to precede her, upon which the preux chevalier saluted her with courtly grace, and stepped forward, saying: "Any thing to oblige a lady." If the reader will forgive this digression, he shall be re-conducted, but not as a criminal, to the "Old Prison." In the year 1810, a manufacturing goldsmith of great respectability, named Gonne, lived in Crow-street. His establishment was celebrated for the superior execution of chased work, especially in watch-cases, and he had occasionally extensive orders from the house of Roskill, of Liverpool, the reputation of which for first-rate watches and chronometers, was then, as it is still, extremely high. Mr. Gonne indulged himself in the purchase of a splendid gold watch of Roskill's best make, and prided himself not a little on the possession of an article not to be surpassed either in exquisite ornamentation or accuracy of movement. He was fond of pedestrian excursions, and his hours of relaxation were frequently devoted to a ramble along the low road to Lucan, which is certainly not inferior, in picturesque scenery, to any other of the many beautiful localities in the vicinity of Dublin; but on one night Mr. Gonne came home greatly disgusted with his promenade, and avowing a determination never again to set foot on that nasty road. He did not bring home his beautiful watch, and it transpired that a man of small stature had disturbed an agreeable reverie by requesting to be accommodated with whatever money Mr. Gonne had in his possession, and that he also expressed great admiration of his watch, and the desire to become the proprietor of such a splendid article. The propinquity of a large pistol induced a speedy compliance with the disagreeable demand. On his arrival in Dublin, Gonne declared that he had been robbed by a little tailor. He stated that the fellow's features were concealed by a veil, and that as soon as he got the watch and a small sum of money into his possession, he managed to ascend the wall of Woodland's demesne with surprising agility, and on it he seated himself crosslegged. He then addressed the victim of his depredation by name, and assured him that his watch would be safely kept for three weeks, and that a full opportunity should be afforded him for redeeming it, at twenty guineas. Mr. Gonne pursued his way home, and speedily apprised the authorities of the outrage which had been perpetrated. He declared that he had never beheld the robber before, to his knowledge; that he did not recognise his voice, but he felt satisfied that he was a tailor, from the manner in which he sat on the wall. An experienced peace-officer who heard the description, agreed with Gonne that the delinquent was a tailor, and added, that he knew the man. It appeared, that there was a little knight of the thimble, of most remarkable activity, named Flood; he was of dissipated habits, and was known at the Racket-court, at John's-lane, where his play was most astonishing, he rarely missed a ball, and none would encounter him in a match of rackets, unless at very great odds. Flood was sought for, but was not forthcoming. The provincial towns were searched in vain, and it was supposed that he had left the country, when he was apprehended, almost in the act of committing a similar offence, on the Rock-road, which, at that time, constituted a portion of the city of Dublin. His haunts were discovered and searched, and several articles of value, |