chism devised by the Puritan "ecclesiastical aristocracy," and insisted further on education in the rights and duties of citizenship. The Massachusetts workers in 1834 were worried because "females in an especial manner are educated to consider all useful employments or any avocation by which their fair hands may contribute to their own support, to be a positive degradation." Thus the battle raged, contributing powerfully to the ferment and public interest which finally resulted in the foundation of the free and equal public school system.

The radical agitators. In this period when labor was giving serious attention to political and social questions, many radical agitators advocating revolutionary doctrines attached themselves to the labor movement. For example, Thomas Skidmore, a mechanic, was the leading radical propagandist in New York. He declared in favor of selling all private property at public auction and dividing the proceeds among the people. As to agrarian matters, he advocated common ownership of the land and the distribution of the general proceeds equally among the members of the community. Frances Wright, from Great Britain, one of the first advocates of woman suffrage in the New World, opened her campaign of public speaking on labor questions in this period, arousing both intense opposition and warm support.

Criticisms of the labor movement.-Even the

milder demands of the workingmen, to say nothing of the wild schemes of some who declared themselves the friends of labor, brought down upon the heads of all the labor leaders a terrible storm of abuse. They were called "Levelers," "Mob," "Rabble,” “Dirty Shirt Party," "Tag, rag and bobtail,” "Ring streaked and speckled rabble," "Anarchists," "Infidels," and "Communists" without much discrimination on the part of their enemies. In vain did the labor press disclaim the ideas that were ascribed to workingmen, attributing the abuse which they received to "aristocratic party editors," and the malice of their enemies.

Results of Labor's first political experiment.The results of this first period of political agitation on the part of labor are difficult to trace in full. Many a positive outcome was seen, however, as measure after measure advocated by labor was eventually enacted into law by the state legislatures. Impris onment for debt was abolished. The ten-hour day was accepted. The foundation of popular education was soon laid, and a magnificent public school system became in time the object of interest and pride in all parts of the country. Other reform measures steadily gained favor in the public eye. When the history of American law-making is written, it will be found that the invasion of labor into the field of political philosophy and action in the

twenties and thirties was a powerful factor in shaping the course of legislation.

As to success at the polls, the labor movement had several victories to its credit. It elected many legis lators and aldermen; it forced the old parties in some instances to nominate candidates acceptable to the labor party; it exerted a decided influence on the writing of the platforms of the other parties; it forced the politicians to give more attention to the matter of conciliating labor; it enabled many labor leaders to win a position of power in the councils of the old parties.

Nevertheless this political outburst proved to be temporary. It opened in 1827 and within five years had almost died away, at least as far as the nomination of candidates was concerned. In many campaigns labor candidates were defeated. At best, the results were local, temporary, and expensive in time, money and effort. The vote was a new weapon to most workingmen, and the immediate results were disappointing to their large hopes for some panacea. The slings and arrows which their opponents and the conservative press used against them were too strong for beginners in the art of political management. They were continually disconcerted by the politicians who used every conceivable weapon to weaken their influence. Their meetings were broken up by hoodlums arrayed by the politicians and in some cases by city officials. Seeds of dissension were

sown in their ranks; they were deceived by flattery, frightened by threats, intimidated by abuse, lured away by promises of office and position. In the discussions of political and economic theories, their ranks were badly broken and their power in economic bargaining with their employers materially reduced. At all events after a few years' emphasis on politics, labor turned again to the field of industrial bargaining where simpler propositions relative to hours and wages involved few abstruse theories or doctrines.

CHAPTER V

RETURN TO DIRECT INDUSTRIAL ACTION

The effect of politics on labor unions.-Politics had swept away much of the machinery of the trade unions. A class movement had almost entirely superseded the trade and craft union movement. The Union of Mechanics of Philadelphia, for example, which had, in 1827, fifteen trade societies in its organization, had shrunk to four societies. Organization of workmen by wards and counties had taken the place of craft societies. The experience of Philadelphia was in a greater or lesser degree the experience in other cities. Hence labor leaders, when they turned away from politics to industrial action, had much of their work to do over.

New economic conditions to face.-During the years of political agitation, the growth of the manufacturing system had filled industry with young apprentices who were insufficiently trained and were undercutting in wages. Women also were invading industry, with the rise of the factory system. In 1837 there were about one hundred occupations in which women were engaged, working usually for