laboring man and see how long it would take him, working at the wages he gets, to earn enough to make him independent. Tell me that the farmer prospers when every decade shows that he possesses a less and less percentage of the wealth of the country. Tell me the laboring man is prosperous when the laboring man must send his son and his daughter out to work to help support the family, when they ought to be in school. (Great applause.) Is this prosperity? (Cries of "No, no.") My friends, when conditions are satisfactory, the head of the family will be able to earn enough for the whole family, and not before. (Applause.) But while these conditions prevail among the great mass of the people, there are some accumulating fortunes with a rapidity never known before in the history of this country or in the history of the world, for the world has no example of the opportunity furnished by unjust legislation in this country to those who make use of it. When we challenge public attention to what is going on the Republicans refuse to meet the issue.

We call attention to the fact that the trusts have grown under this Administration more rapidly than before; that more have been created under the protection of this Administration than in all the previous history of the country, and the Republicans refuse to meet the issue. Read the letter of acceptance of the Republican candidate and you will find that he spends more time warning you not to hurt the good trusts than he does telling you how to hurt the bad ones. (Applause.) Read the letter of acceptance of the Republican candidate for Vice-President. (Hisses and groans and a prolonged pause.) Please don't delay me; I have three other speeches to make and I want to talk quite a while here yet. (Applause.)

Read the letter of the Republican candidate for VicePresident, and you will find that he spends more time denouncing those who denounce the trusts than he does in denouncing the trusts themselves; and Mr. Hanna, the head of the Republican party-(Groans and hisses.) Why, my friends, really this is disrespect, this is disrespect. (Laughter.) Mr. Hanna says there are no trusts. Are you going to send a man out to hunt the trusts who knows where every trust treasure is but says there are no trusts. (A voice: "We will send you.")

My friends, you cannot expect relief from the Republican party. (A voice: "That is so.") The President in his inaugural address in March, 1897, used the language which I am going to read to you:

"Indemnity should be granted to none who violate the law, whether municipalities, corporations or communities, and as the Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of its own execution and of the statutes enacted in pursuance of the provisions, I shall endeavor to carry them. carefully into effect. The declaration of the party now restored to power has been from the first in opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trust or otherwise to control arbitrarily the conditions of trade among our citizens, and it has supported such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their trade and unjust rates of transportation. This purpose will be steadily pursued both by the enforcement of the laws now in existence and the recommendation and support of such new statutes as may be necessary to carry them into effect."

There is a promise to enforce existing laws and to recommend new laws. I charge that the President has neither enforced the existing laws nor recommended new ones.

His Attorney-General draws his salary and permits the trusts to grow and oppress the people. And the President has allowed four sessions of Congress to convene and adjourn and has never yet recommended a remedy for the trust, and the Republicans who are determined to support the ticket no matter what the President does, no matter what Republican officials do, no matter what position the party takes, are now refusing to discuss the trust question. The nearest approach that you can get a Republican to the trust question is to get him to say that there are good trusts and bad trusts, and then he will make affidavit that he cannot tell the difference between them. (Laughter.)

But, my friends, one thing has pained me much; that is to see how little confidence Republicans have in the veracity of Mr. Hanna, for while Hanna says there is no trust, every Republican knows there is an Ice Trust. Now if there are no trusts how can there be an Ice Trust, and if there is an Ice Trust how can it be true that there are no trusts? But, my friends, the peculiar thing about it is this: That every Republican, no matter in what part of the Union it is, knows that there is an Ice Trust, but he does not know that there is a Standard Oil Trust, a Sugar Trust, a Beef Trust, a Cracker Trust, a trust in nearly everything that the people have to use. Why is this? Why is it that the Republicans know so little about trusts that are as broad as the nation but know so much about the Ice Trust? But the fact is that here in New York you have a Republican Governor and a Republican Legislature, and if they did their duty there would be no trust, either ice or any other kind. (Cheers.) We had an Ice Trust in Nebraska. It came to the attention of the Attorney-General, who is a Democrat elected on the Fusion ticket. It came to his attention last

May; he commenced suit against it, and on the first day of August the Ice Trust dissolved. But they don't do that here in New York. If any Republican tells you that the Ice Trust is hurting the people, you tell him that you have so much confidence in the Republican Governor that you know that he would not be out West making speeches if the people were suffering from the Ice Trust. (Cheers.)

The Republicans have no plan to destroy trusts. We have. We say put on the free list every trust made article in order that a trust can no longer hide behind a tariff wall and plunder people at home with high prices while it sells abroad in competition with the world.

But I am not willing merely to stop extortion. To my mind the greatest objection to the trust is not that it raises prices. That is bad; but there is something worse. My greatest objection to the trust is that the trust is closing the door of opportunity against our young men and condemning the boys of this country to perpetual clerkships. To-day we are approaching a period of industrial despotism where a few men will control each great branch of industry, where every person who buys finished products will buy at the trust price, where every person who furnishes raw material will furnish it at the trust price, and where every man who works for wages will work for the wages fixed by the trusts; and when that condition is complete—and the Republican party not only does not stop it, but encourages it when that condition is complete, then hundreds of thousands of laboring men instead of addressing their appeal to the Almighty will have to pray to the trust magnates, "Give us this day our daily bread." (Cheers.) When a man who has worked years in making himself proficient at some work has but one employer-if when he loses his

employment under that one man he must go out and commence life over, with no advantage from his experiencehe ceases to be a free man, he becomes the serf of the man who employs him; and if he should happen to get employ`ment with some well-known syndicate that syndicate will threaten to close down and discharge him if he refuses to vote as the syndicate dictates to him. (Applause.)

A government of the people, by the people and for the people is impossible under the reign of the trusts. I want you to believe me when I say that I am more interested in this campaign as a citizen than I am as a candidate, more interested as a father than I am as a Democrat. (Applause.) I have a son and I have daughters. I don't know what my son will be; I don't know what my sons-in-law will be. I don't want a government good only for lawyers or bankers or trust magnates. I want a government that will plant a hope in the heart of every child born into the world and give every being something to live for. (Cheers.) If I can leave to my children a government which will protect them in the enjoyment of life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and guarantee to them a fair share of the proceeds of their own toil, I will leave to my children a richer inheritance than any trust magnate that ever lived if he left his fortune and the law by which he robbed others to get it.

If I were choosing an emblem which would represent our fight against industrial monopoly I would take the mother with her child in her arms. I need not tell you that the mother loves her child. I need not tell you that from the moment when her life hangs in the balance at the child's birth until death takes one or the other, there is no moment of her waking hours when that child is out of the mother's thought. What is the mother raising the child for? It is