SPEECH ON REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES

185

Nothing is harder to define than a political crime. But if it is so easy to punish private and so hard to get at political crime, surely some law other than the ordinary law is necessary to overawe rebels and reach the guilty. This is a point where the public safety requires wide means and terrible measures. I can see no half-way between the ordinary law and a revolutionary tribunal. History attests the truth of this, and, since insolent reference has been made in this Assembly to those sanguinary days for which every good citizen has mourned, I, for my part, will aver that if a tribunal. had then existed the people so often cruelly reproached with those days would not have imbrued them in blood; I will aver, and I shall have the assent of every witness of those dreadful events, that no human power was in condition to dam the flood of national vengeance. Let us profit by the errors of our predecessors. Let us do what the Legislative Assembly neglected to do. Let us organise a tribunal, if not well-for that is impossibleas least badly as we may, that the sword of the law may descend on the heads of all our enemies.

Then he proceeded to urge the reorganisation of the Ministry.

Monge, for instance, good citizen that he was, was incompetent to manage the navy. What was wanted was a large and instant expenditure of money and men, and to ensure a proper return Ministers were wanted constantly in touch with the Assembly, which would have to answer, it should never forget, to the people for its blood and treasure. Let the existing distress grow greater, and who would be able to arrest their fury? Let them at this very sitting organise the Tribunal and reorganise the Executive, so as to render it more efficient and energetic. Let them attend to his arguments and despise the insults offered to him. Let Commissioners set out at once to electrify the Departments and stifle all regret at being in their absence unable to support good or resist bad legislation by the

consciousness of doing their duty to the country. This, then, in brief, was his programme: to-night organisation of the Tribunal, organisation of the Executive; to-morrow the nation's call to arms, to-morrow the departure of the Commissioners. All France must rise, must arm, must march. Holland must be invaded. Belgium must be free. The commerce of England must be ruined, and her party of liberty triumph. Everywhere victorious, the Republic in arms must bring liberty and happiness to all peoples and expiate the wrongs of the world.

Though Danton neither originated nor worded the resolution for a Tribunal his powerful advocacy no doubt went far to secure its adoption. For this, a year later, he is said to have implored pardon from God and man. If so, it was not the conception but the abuse of it that he regretted, as a man might repent having begotten a son grown into a monster. It is hard to see what sounder counsel he could have given if all the circumstances of the hour are fully weighed. And it is instructive to observe that men like Vergniaud were as bitterly hostile to allowing Ministers to be members as they were to the Tribunal.

Quelques patriotes (said Vergniaud) dont je respecte la probité ont pu d'abord ne voir ni danger ni violation des principes dans l'élection qui serait faite des ministres au sein de l'Assemblée; mais bientôt tous se sont réunis à l'opinion contraire, et la Convention a échappée à l'unanimité au danger qui l'avait menacée.

Whose probity I respect' is a notable testimony to a man against whom such charges were brought as were brought against Danton by the Rolandists. Vergniaud, indeed, of whom Madame Roland wrote, 'Je n'aime pas Vergniaud,' was more like Danton in sub

SPEECH ON DEPUTIES BEING MINISTERS

187

ordinating faction to patriotism than most of his party. But blind jealousies influenced him here. Danton knew he had little chance of getting his wish carried out, and after the failure of his adroit attempt to get it passed on the 10th he was careful, when he returned to the subject on the 11th, to say that he proposed no definite resolution, but merely sought to elicit the Assembly's opinion. How earnestly, however, and disinterestedly he strove for it may be gathered from a résumé of his speech next day-the 11th-on the resignation of the War Minister, Beurnonville.

Though I think strongly that the Convention ought to and must choose Ministers anywhere, even from its own members, entirely at its discretion, I at the same time swear by our country that I myself will never accept office as Minister while I have the honour to be member of the Convention. I say so not out of false modesty, for I think I am worth as much as my neighbours; and I hope none of my colleagues will follow my example, for I hold it indisputable that unless you reserve the power of choosing from them at your discretion you will do the State grievous injury. Surely every one must see the necessity of greater cohesion, directer relations, closer connection between the Executive which has to defend our liberty against all Europe and you who have the supreme legislative power and the Republic's outworks in your charge. If personally I decline to serve, it is because I think I can act more usefully as whip and spur of the Revolution, and because I retain thereby the power of denouncing any Minister's incompetence or bad faith. Therefore let all of us feel sure that most of usnay, all-have patriotic intentions. Let no personal mistrust block the way, since we all aim at one object. I at least will asperse no one. I am, not from conscientiousness, but constitutionally, free from malice. Hatred is foreign to my nature. I have no need of it,

and so even those who have professed to hate me cannot doubt my sincerity.

Danton was wrong here. The Girondin GireyDupré, commenting on this speech, said everybody knew he wanted to be Minister, and that to hear him swear by his country was like hearing an atheist swear by his God. Robespierre too, wincing under the lash, retorted in the same debate, I see no merit, I own, in declining the dangerous and difficult office of Minister. I judge a refusal to result from preference and interest rather than principle.'

CHAPTER XVII

1793-continued

TREASON OF DUMOURIEZ-DANTON DEFENDS HIS CONDUCT
AND DEPLORES FACTION

ON March 14, less than a week after Danton, Robespierre, and even Marat had expressed confidence in Dumouriez, came that general's famous letter of the 12th, which was practically a denunciation and a defiance of the Convention. Bréard, President of the Convention, took it to the Committee of General Defence, which decided that Bréard should not read it to the Assembly, but that Danton and Lacroix should at once. go to Dumouriez and induce him to retract. Various historians state variously the date of the day on which they set out. On the 19th they reached Brussels, and on the 20th met Dumouriez at Louvain in the evening. They were unable to see him before, because they came 'during the combat,' by which words Lacroix seems to refer to skirmishes after the battle of Neerwinden, Dumouriez having fought and lost that battle on the 18th. We shall find Danton referring to the same thing on April 1, when he speaks of rallying the fugitives.' The conference lasted till 3 A.M. on the 21st.

Danton's movements afterwards have never yet been intelligibly related. We may, however, by comparing Lacroix's letters with Danton's words, conclude that this is what happened: From Louvain he went to Brussels