He first displayed his political principles, and was the first man who struck an effectual blow at the tyranny of Kingly or Monarchical Despotism. It was such a blow as has kept it reeling to this day, and down it must all fall. It has no chance of recovering its former posture, and again standing firm and daring as heretofore. His pamphlet, entitled "Common Sense," was to Monarchy, what we read in the Jew Books, the smooth stone and sling of David was to the head of Goliath. The simile is good: the British Goliath defied the armies of the American God of Liberty, and our modern David struck him down with a stone gathered from the pure and limpid stream of " Common Sense." needed not the shield and buckler of the tyrant Saul, but took for his weapon a goose-quill. He had confidence in the goddess Reason, when assisted both by the Mercury and the Minerva of Common Sense.

He, too,

Having emancipated one nation from the thraldom of Kingcraft, he flew to Europe to assist in the emancipation of others. His native country was never absent from his view after he had once tasted the means of giving it Liberty. He crossed back the Atlantic Ocean to revisit his native countrymen, and wrote a volume in which he shewed them the only basis upon which the RIGHTS OF MAN can be established. He did not live to witness the regeneration of bis native land, but he died with the satisfaction that he had sown the seed of that regeneration, which the breath of Monarchy could not blast whenever it should shoot forth and blossom to ripeness.

In France he suffered much in the cause of liberty and humanity; and it was by mere accident that his blood had not been shed às a sacrifice to the jealousy and ambition of Robespierre. At this momentous crisis, this apparent last period of his life, he wrote his "Age of Reason," to the great terror of all bigots, and to the illumination of the mind of every free inquirer after truth. It is difficult to distinguish between the comparative importance of his political and his theological writings; but in effect they seem to be equal; in design they have the same object, the improvement, and welfare, and happiness of the human race. views were not confined to one country: his benevolent and comprehensive mind embraced the whole of mankind. His motives and his manners were ever Republican in the fullest degree of the word.

His

The English Government was too wicked and corrupt to barbour such a man within the pale of its powers. He was

outlawed for having written his "Rights of Man." Ho nourable conduct brings honours on its possessor; and next to the honour of having written the "Rights of Man," may be rated the honour of an expulsion from within the pale of English Laws, and so corrupt a Government.

After the revolution was again destroyed in France, and a Military Despotism established, this unceasing advocate of Liberty sought again for shelter in the United States of America, under that Republic which his pen had both produced and fostered. But here he was pursued by the emissaries of the English Government, and his life embittered with a series of neglects, annoyances, and insults. One of the very best friends of man that ever lived suffered in his life-time the greatest ingratitude that was ever heaped upon one man by his fellow men. Because he had never sought after office in the Republic which he had formed, the creatures who had got into power, during his absence in Europe, affected not to know him on his return, and neglected to give him that protection and comfort which he, above all men, eminently deserved at their hands.

You, his admirers, of the Island of Great Britain, will not fail to do justice to the memory of your "famous countryman," this "Noble of Nature," as Mr. Cobbett calls him. Let your sense of duty overwhelm the ingratitude of the inhabitants of the United States! Cherish his memory, propagate his principles, and, above all things, teach them to your children, and you will not fail to have their blessings to add to the pure reflections of a well-spent life! R. CARLILE.

AN ADDRESS

Spoken at the Anniversary Dinner, in London, to commemorate the Birth-day of THOMAS PAINE, January 29, 1821.

BY J. W. DUNSTONE.

Ir e'er bright Muse! thy power has deign'd to shine
On lays so humble, unadorn'd as mine,
Assist me now, to sing the man whose mind
By WISDOM form'd, by truth alone refined,
To thee, would often raise the votive lay,
His soul inspired by genuine FREEDOM's ray.

By FREEDOM's ray! Oh FREEDOM hither come,
With me to strew with flowers his honour'd tomb;
THEE, would he worship in the silent hour,
To thee he'd bend and supplicate thy power;
Not for himself alone he sought thy aid,
No selfish thought his fervid mind e'er sway'd;

But comprehending all, in one great plan

He taught the world to know, "THE RIGHTS OF MAN." Midst jarring wars in different climes he stood,

The ready champion for the general good;

Mild, though undaunted; firm, but not severe;
He lent to every voice a ready ear;

Prone to detect the sycophantic slave,

In judgment, lenient; and though cautious, brave;
Who first into a flame the embers fann'd

That gave to FREEDOM's rule COLUMBIA's land.
MORALITY with placid mien attend,

Inspire my song, which fain would laud thy friend;
THEE in thy purity he most admired,

The thoughts of thee his generous bosom fired,
And in the fiery transport of the mind,

"THE AGE OF REASON" burst upon mankind.
Exposing all the follies of the crew,

Whom thee, or true Religion never knew;
Who pander all the sense by nature given,

To worldly views, nor yield one thought to Heaven;
Whose doctrines tend but to enslave the mind,

Affright the feeble, and mislead the blind,
The willing slaves of power, a tyrant band,
Than locusts still more fatal to a land;
By SUPERSTITION's aid they force a chain
To fetter those who dare their rights maintain;
Remorseless, cruel, persecuting, vile,
By love of Gold inspired, and love of Guile,
The sad reverse of all they ought to be,
And all opposed MORALITY to thee!

This day EQUALITY we give to thee,
Approach the hallow'd grave of PAINE with me;
With cypress wreaths let every flowret bloom,
To grace the precincts of his body's tomb;
Come, with the MORAL DUTIES hand in hand,
A soul-inspiring, honest-hearted band,
And FREEDOM! LIBERTY! shall join the train,
And lift the sadly pleasing votive strain.

This was the natal day of him who sleeps,
Beneath the sod where TYRANNY still weeps;
Then hither every VIRTUE wend your way,
A last sad duty at his shrine to pay.

But, hark! whence those sounds on our silence now breaking,
Like the breath of the west wind the foliage shaking;
'Tis the hum of those myriads who join in the Song!
Which to PAINE, and to all kindred spirits belong;
EQUALITY! FREEDOM! MORALITY! See

The homage of nations, is paying to THEE,
While the time it shall come when no longer in war,
Shall the demon of discord hurl terrors from far,
But PEACE Sweetly smiling, revisit the earth,
And all shall rejoice on the day of thy birth,

Shall hail THEE! who dared COMMON SENSE to maintain,
And give blessings and plaudits eternal to PAINE!

REFLECTIONS MORAL AND POLITICAL.
(Continued from p. 79.)

Or suppose a dispute to arise between a party whose land adjoins the society's, and that society; and such difference might be adjusted by the society giving up or paying a trifle; but the six being rich, haughty, and consequential, would rather contest the point, at the risk of losing one of their shares, than to seem to submit to any other party, whose rank and power they did not consider equal to their own; for if they were to acknowledge their error, or to give way in the least, it then might appear that their consequence and pride were lessened. This arbitrary disposition, which is always produced by pride, might cause the society an expence of some hundreds of pounds, and then, if they were to compel each person (not the shares mind) to pay an equal share of the loss it would be but triflingly felt by the six who are rich, but the nineteen who are poor would feel it severely.

Now, if the six had retained only one vote each, instead of twenty-one votes, then the other nineteen would have been a check on that arbitrary feeling which pride and riches always produce, And all would have an equal interest in the society in proportion to their shares; for if one gained a profit of five pounds by his share, he who held four would gain twenty; and an equal right in making the laws would also tend to check arbitrary and haughty members from creating disputes and contentions in the society.

Just the same will it be with a nation when its members are to have a power in making the laws in proportion to their property. And this is precisely the case with the English system of govern

ment. For that class of men who have the greatest share in the wealth of the country consists of men called Peers of the Realm, and they constitute what is called the House of Lords. Their number is about three hundred and seventy-five, and they have a power equal to that of about twenty-two millions of persons. These twenty-two millions are supposed to be represented in what is called the Commons' House, which is intended to act as a check on the Lords, so that neither the one nor the other can make a law without both consent to it. Here, then, we see that because these three hundred and seventy-five individuals have immense property, or possess half the land in the country, they pretend to have as much interest and anxiety for the welfare of it, and claim as much right to an equal power in making the laws for it, as the twenty-two millions!

But this is not the extent of the evil in this system of government; it not only gives the Lords a power equal to the Commons, but it also gives them the right of nominating the majority of the members in the House of Commons. About one hundred and forty-four of them do actually nominate three hundred members: one hundred and eighty-seven more members forming a majority, are nominated by government and one hundred and twenty-three rich individuals; consequently, the three hundred and seventyfive peers have the whole power, without any check whatever, to make such laws and to form such a government as they themselves may think necessary and proper.

Now, if these individuals have the same interest, advantage, and disadvantage, in all the laws which they do or might make in proportion to their shares or property in the country, then the danger would not be so great, or perhaps there might not be any; but if we find their interest is diametrically opposite to that of the twenty-two millions, what else can be expected but disaffection, disorder, confusion, and misery?

We will suppose that these lordly legislators should have a desire to enlarge the territory of the nation of which they are the rulers, on a supposition that it might be an advantage to the nation and to themselves, and if it were not, at least it would be sure to add to their power and profit, which would be a sufficient stimulus to them to make the attempt; for the desire of power is so common, that we see when men have a little they want more, and when they have a great deal they want a great deal more; in what way is the territory of this nation to be enlarged except by taking from some other, either by a mutual agreement between the two, or by force? If by the former, it is right; if the latter, wrong. But whenever we find rich men who thirst after increased riches and power, we also find in them ambition, which, when directed to improper objects, is one of the principal causes of all the evils that exist in society.

Therefore, if none but the rich are the rulers, and in them lurks